It is almost mid July 1917, Pavel Dybenko has just been arrested as one of the ‘secret organizers’ of what was called the Bolshevik-Monarchist mutiny which according to the Provisional Government; was “immediately suppressed”. The label of Bolshevik-Monarchist would be the first time Tsentrobalt's activity would be falsely used in the context of supporting Bolshevism. In addition, what Monarchy were the sailor's rebelling against?...Needless, Dybenko was remanded in Kresty, while the governments’ counter-intelligence department led by Colonel Shubin continued to investigate his role in the matter.
Kerensky declares, Tsentrobalt to be dissolved, ordering
sailors honor the government by affirming their support and subordination to
the government. In an effort to improve
tense relations with the sailors the Provisional Government also moves to
release all regular members of the delegation that arrived on the Orpheus and
kept in custody only the governing members of the Tsentrobalt, including its
Chairman Dybenko.
Kerensky’s wrath is not finished’ he turns toward the so
called Bolsheviki and begins repressive measures intended to minimize their
influences…he shuts down newspapers and arrests Bolsheviki
leaders.
Other Bolshevik leaders agitating in Helsingfors such as Anton-Ovseenko and Proshian are remanded to Kresty…and agitators from Kronshtadt will be represented as Raskolnikov, and Roshal arrive as guests of the Provisional Government.
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| Lunacharsky |
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| Kamenev |
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| Trotsky |
The Bolshevik politico’s
including Lenin scurry into the underground as Trotsky, Kamenev, and
Lunarchasky are known to be arrested and sent to Kresty.
Other Bolshevik leaders agitating in Helsingfors such as Anton-Ovseenko and Proshian are remanded to Kresty…and agitators from Kronshtadt will be represented as Raskolnikov, and Roshal arrive as guests of the Provisional Government.
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| Kollontai |
Alexsandra Kollontai is also
arrested and sent to Vyborgskaya Womens Penitentiary.
The July crisis puts an end to the period of dual power in Russia
(the Provisional government and Soviets).
The period of peaceful development of the revolution ends. The July crisis also sees Kerensky acquiring
complete dominance over the workmen’s and soldiers committees, so that it now
makes no attempt to oppose his decrees.
The Soviets headed by Mencheviks and esers (SRs) become an attachment to
this new government making Kerensky’s command supreme. Many Bolsheviks to whose agitation the
demoralization of the troops is directly attributed have been arrested.
This will be the second version
of what historians refer to as the Provisional Government. Premier Kerensky begins his repressive
measures against all dissenters and those not loyal. He has sanctioned these efforts in order to
restore discipline.
The newspapers on the following Monday announced that Rear
Admiral Verdervesky, commander of the Baltic fleet had been arrested for
communicating a secret government telegram to Tsentrobalt. In his place, Rear Admiral Razvovozoff has
been appointed commander in chief of all the Russian naval forces in the
Baltic.
Day’s later over in Helsingfors, the sailors of Tsentrobalt
discussed the situation of the arrested delegations in Petrograd. It was said that some of the delegations like
the one of Admiral Vedrevskiy were already released and that they had demanded
an open trial. The Admiral also
suggested that Dybenko should demand an open trial if he considered himself not
guilty.
Kerensky believed with aid of his military commanders, of
whom General Korniloff stands out might yet “pull Russia through”. His first act was to restore the death
penalty for treason. This action, taken
with the consent of his ministers, was designed to wipe out the disaffection in
the army that has made its commanders powerless and which has enabled the
Germans to make their gains in Galicia
after the Russian army had apparently regained its power as a war machine. It was also decided at the cabinet meeting to
convoke in Moscow soon a conference of the principle representatives of the
Russian social organization and to place before it the facts in the country as
they actually were, or at least as the ruling classes represented by Kerensky
saw them to be. Proclamations have been
posted in Petrograd, Moscow
and other important cities as well as on the front line announcing the new
attitude of the government towards its dissenters.
Meanwhile in Helsingfors, on July 27th the
sailors were to experience a dark day.
The men of the warships Slava,
Respublika, and Petropavlovsk involved in the recent disaffection are dejected and
offer up their loyalty, (under the threat of the gun), as Kerensky had
previously ordered. These sailors of
Tsentrobalt, the fighters for freedom and dignity were once again
thwarted. Included in the previous order
was the dissolution of Tsentrobalt and consequently, later in the day, aboard
the yacht Polar Star, a solemn group
of sailors witness the lowering of Tsentrobalt’s flag.
That same day in July saw Kerenskys’ decree reaching the men
at the front. The telegram left nothing
to the imagination. Kerensky declared
that he restored the death penalty and had the authority to meet anarchy and
disloyalty with blood and iron. Kerensky
was determined to suppress the disorder and approved of measures deemed
necessary to restore a semblance of order out of the chaos which for a time
seemed to threaten the complete disintegration of Russian armies and in the
eyes of many, the Russian
State.
For others though, Russia is no longer a revolutionary
Utopia, a place of impossible freedoms that contained an extraordinary license
of liberty. She is feeling the strong
hand that reminded many of the Tsars Black Reactions.
The optimistic view put forth by the subordinates of
Korniloff suggests that as a result of the measures, the Russian army is again
showing evidences of resistance. The
Germans continue to strike Galicia,
but in the south, Russian and Romanian forces have opened a
counter offensive, apparently designed to lighten the pressure on Korniloff’s
hard-pressed legions and have met with considerable initial successes. .
Although most troops acquiesced to the demands of the government; there
were many others who were not quite convinced.
Does enacting corporal punishment change the contemptuous leadership of
the generals? Will the men be provided
proper arms and equipment? Do these new
decree’s end the horrific realities that good Russian men were placed in the
position of being ordered to the front, to sit in the trench, and wait until a
comrade was killed so they could then procure a rifle, boots, and other
items.
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| Premier Kerensky and General Kornilov |
The dissenters did not support the reasons of war as
well. Other than an opportunity to
engage in battle with the hated Germans, many troops saw the war being imperial
in nature and of no real significance to the majority of Russians. The unconvinced and others who held no
confidence in the leadership refused to fight and began to leave the front. General Korniloff, Commander at Galicia
was incensed; he threatened the retreating troops with the consequences of
disobedience and stated he would take the most extreme measures to halt the
route of his army. He wired to Kerensky
asking permission to enact the decree and he be permitted to order executions
for treason and cowardice among his men.
Korniloff’s communiqué also informed Kerensky that if his request is denied, Kerensky should expect the general’s resignation. After a short meeting with close advisors Kerensky dictates a response. This new provisional government wired back, permission granted.
Korniloff’s communiqué also informed Kerensky that if his request is denied, Kerensky should expect the general’s resignation. After a short meeting with close advisors Kerensky dictates a response. This new provisional government wired back, permission granted.
According to press dispatches, Korniloff immediately ordered
his loyal artillery to turn their guns on certain forces of malcontents and
deserters. Shells began to rain upon the
men whose only crime was the ability to decipher and recognize hopeless
circumstances. Korniloff smiled, as he looked through the binoculars witnessing
the ensuing slaughter heretofore unparalleled in the history of modern
civilization. On that dark day, one
whole division thereof was blown to pieces by their own artillery. Korniloff proudly declared the action taken
was “to avenge the insults which all loyal troops, especially the artillery,
have been silently enduring for months from these traitorous rascals”. Korniloff still believed the new republic
would emerge triumphant from the chaotic conditions.
General Lars Korniloff
the hero
Unfortunately for him, brutal actions are not a precursor of
strength rather they are an indication of weakness and desperation. The new republic that Korniloff protected
was for many reasons on unstable ground.
Even so, Korniloff alleged the “strong hand” has had its
effect, the dispatches assert. Korniloff
cites as example a semblance of discipline is being restored, and, while the
Russian army in Galicia
has been shaken and almost shattered, it still remains a bar to German
ambition. Others reported, ‘Its supplies
and artillery have been lost through disloyalty of certain troops, according to
some dispatches, but it is still a military force and not the disorganized band
of stragglers it threatened to become’.
In reality even the most hopeful expectations couldn’t stop
the defection that transpired resulting in the collapse of Russia’s offensive in Galicia. The slaughter did not ensure acquiescence and
loyalty of the men, quite the contrary; it furthered their disillusion and lack
of confidence in their leaders. One
division developed into a general retreat and the general retreat into a
virtual desertion of the whole of the 11th Army except of course the
Korniloff’s loyalists. Korniloff was
incensed and began yelling at the retreating men. Declaring he would apply the policy of blood
and iron to stop the mutiny and treason, General Kornilov then ordered his
loyal troops to shoot down any who deserted or refused to obey his orders.
For their part, his loyal troops were witnessing a
distressed man for there were far two many deserters to begin shooting; making
Korniloffs orders impossible and ineffectual in salvaging the disaster.
The mutinous Slavs flew everywhere before the easy advance
of the Germans, except on the Romanian front, where for the time at least, they
stood firm. Farther north the Russians
gave ground to the foot of its borders. Large and important cities were being
evacuated as long columns of deserting Russian soldiers left the General and his sadistic orders to enjoy
merciless slaughter at the hands of the German field guns.
Questioned later, Korniloff reported that the
insubordination and resulting desertion was due to German agents who instigated
the collapse and those cowards of the Russian armies abandoning vast military
stores while burning villages in their retreat. Of course, similar to the conclusions of the
Tsars gendarmes of 1915 the ruling classes refused to acknowledge, perhaps even
unable to grasp the underlying foundations of the dissent. Not withstanding the lack of respect the
ruling classes held for Russia’s
plain people did not help matters and was at the root of many of the
problems.
Elsewhere, at Kresty Prison, locked in a dark cell along the
north shores of the glorious Neva
River sat Dybenko. His mind is performing reflections of the
circumstances that have brought him to this place, at this time. The sailors’ rebellions, Velma, the creation
of Tsentrobalt, the speech at Senatskaya
Square, Alexsandra, are some of the thoughts
passing through.
He is well aware that Kerensky has restored the death penalty and the thoughts move to his interaction with Kerensky. He recalled his first visit with him, discussing and procuring legal status for Tsentrobalt.
He is well aware that Kerensky has restored the death penalty and the thoughts move to his interaction with Kerensky. He recalled his first visit with him, discussing and procuring legal status for Tsentrobalt.
Another when Kerensky came to Helsingfors in May; the war of
words that occurred, and finally the recent confrontation between Dybenko and
Tsentobalts’ aspiration to stay an independent organization. The pendulum of political theory regarding
civic change was slow in moving. Dybenko was at a complete loss as to what his
fate might be but had solace in his heart that although slow, the pendulum was
indeed moving.
On August 15, Dybenko is visited by some of his friends.
Vasiliy Marusev is a member of Tsentroflot (Central Executive Committee of Navy
formed at the 1st All-Russian Congress of Soviets in June 1917).
Marusev shares that a new election was held for Tsentrobalt and that Kerensky
ensured the new leaders supported the Provisional Government. Dybenko ask about Kollontai having heard she
was ill while confined in Vyborgskaya.
Marusev informs Dybenko that Kollontai was well, having been released
and is at the moment rehabilitating with her friends Clara and Misha.
Marusev asks Dybenko how he is holding up, Dybenko says he
is fine and that it was tolerable because the cells were locked only at
night. He went on to share that the
place was chock full of Bolshevik politico leaders. From Kronshtadt there were Raskolinov,
Remnev, and Roshal and from Helsingfors Antonov-Ovseenko, M. Roshal, Ustinov, Proshian, and Stark. From Petrograd Kurkov and Zlatogorskii were
there and lastly Trotsky, Kamenev, and Lunacharsky.
Dybenko tells Marusev the days are filled with non-stop lectures and
discussions regarding what brought them all to Kresty and where Russia, in
their view, should be. Dybenko listened
more than he spoke, he observed what was being said and who was saying it. Dybenko recalled that “here in Kresty the methods of action for
revolution were appraised by men who appeared to be intellectually committed.
The Kresty of
Kerensky became for him a school of criticism toward Kerensky's failed leadership, the continued refusal of the ministers to address the nations concerns, and the disillusion brought upon the men in Russia's military over sadistic measures from its leaders. Political platforms most Russians could understand...even though history would find out their ''school for revolution" was self serving...the mold was cast for what would soon
become known as Great October.
Kerensky's days become numbered...his ministers are plotting against him
as witnessed during the August National Conference held in Moscow.
The mood moves swiftly to the right as ministers vocalize thier unhappiness about the
continued rumors of demonstration and discontent among the peoples in Petrograd. Members
of the Government call on General Lars Kornilov to stabilize the state of
affairs; to have his troops move toward Petrograd
and ensure order.
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| General Lars Kornilov |
General Kornilov declared to the Conference Ministers;
“…it is
time to put an end to all the disorder.
Time to hand the German agents and spies…to chase way the Council of
Workers and Soldiers Deputies scatter them far and wide, so that they never are
able to come together again. If I do not
come to an agreement with Kerensky and Savinkoff, I may have to deal the blow
to the Bolsheviki without their consent.
I only wish to save Russia”.
General Kornilov’s expected arrival in Petrograd in
conjunction with Germanys’
war time aggression tested the leadership skills of Premier Kerensky. Feeling betrayed by those ministers whom he
supported on many occasions against the influence of new representative bodies;
Kerensky found himself on the outs. The
Ministers of the August National Conference were convinced they could
administer the government without the participation of the Soviets.
(Seems abundantly clear...all intellectual bodies...the so called left "Bolsheviks" the so called center "Kerensky" and the so called right the Ministers of the August National Conference...all desired power and domination over the Russian people)
(Seems abundantly clear...all intellectual bodies...the so called left "Bolsheviks" the so called center "Kerensky" and the so called right the Ministers of the August National Conference...all desired power and domination over the Russian people)
Kerensky determines he will need to gather all his resources
in order to defend his authority. As
Kornilov is gathering troops south of Petrograd in preparation to advance and
the German Navy about to bombard and invade Riga…an agreement is made with the leaders in
the Naval Ministry who promise support for Kerensky in exchange for the release
of Dybenko from Kresty along with other sailor’s detained due to the July
event.
Upon hearing he would be released, Dybenko was said to have
told Raskolnikov that,
“Kerensky was crazy for letting us go free”.
Incredibly it was true, for on September 4th,
Dybenko was released from Kresty.
On that same day, the expected assault upon Riga by the German fleet
began. As promised the Naval Ministry issued a statement in support of Kerensky and the Provisional Government. A dispatch received by the British Admiralty through the Russian Ministry received in London and
signed by the Russian Prime Minister, stating the entire Baltic Fleet, together
with its staff officers, has unanimously placed itself on the side of the
Provisional Government. Days later The Central Committee of the Baltic Fleet telegraphed Kerensky, assuring him of the unanimous decision of all the crews to support the government.
As Kornilov troops entered Petrograd an accumulation of
sailors, soldiers, and Petrograd citizens all
amassed at Mars Field. Thousands of
humans stood ready to engage the fierce armies of Kornilov.
Albert Rhys Williams, correspondent of the New York Post recalled,“…when the news of Kornilov’s advance on Petrograd was flashed to Kronshtadt and the Baltic Fleet, it aroused the sailors like a thunderbolt. From their ships and island, citadel they came pouring out in tens of thousands and bivouacked on the Field of Mars. They stood guard at all the nerve centers of the city, the railways and the Winter Palace. …with the big sailor Dybenko leading, they drove headlong into the midst of Kornilov’s soldiers exhorting them not to advance”
Albert Rhys Williams, correspondent of the New York Post recalled,“…when the news of Kornilov’s advance on Petrograd was flashed to Kronshtadt and the Baltic Fleet, it aroused the sailors like a thunderbolt. From their ships and island, citadel they came pouring out in tens of thousands and bivouacked on the Field of Mars. They stood guard at all the nerve centers of the city, the railways and the Winter Palace. …with the big sailor Dybenko leading, they drove headlong into the midst of Kornilov’s soldiers exhorting them not to advance”
After
the “Kornilov Affair” had concluded, back in Helsingfors, a meeting took place
between delegates from different units in Kronshtadt and Helsingfors.
Dybenko signs resolution of the plenary meeting of the
Central Committee of the Baltic Fleet that protests against the decision of the
Provisional government to disband the Central Committee of the All-Russian
Navy.
The assembled sailors urged Pavel Dybenko and others to call another Congress with the purpose to re-elect Tsentrobalt. In a short two months the flag of Tsentrobalt, under Pavel Dybenko’s leadership, was once again raised aboard the Polar Star and a special commission was formed to organize the Congress. Pavel Dybenko was selected to lead the commission. Premier Kerensky prepared a stirring proclamation declaring Russia to henceforth be known to all as a Republic. He then, with four of his colleagues, undertook to conduct the government until the first congress meets on September 25 to frame a constitution and name a new ministry.
Kerensky and the elite intellectuals grant powers to a Council of Five...or Directory.
This body is deemed a way out of the current governmental crisis'.
The Directory included: Chairman Alexander Kerensky
Minister of Foreign Affairs-M.I. Tereshchenko
Minster of Military-A.I. Verkhovsky
Minister of the Navy-D.N. Verderevsky
Minister of Communications-A.M. Nikitin
This Council of Five grasped power, yet would exist temporarily as its power was tenuous at best.
There were others vying for leadership of Great Russia...the State Council, State Duma, the Senate, and Soviets.
Two days later, having heard that Dybenko and the sailors
were planning to reorganize Tsentrobalt, Kerensky rebukes the fleet. He sends a scathing telegram condemning the
actions of the Baltic Fleet. Kerensky
demands the immediate cessation of all excesses committed under the pretext of
safeguarding the revolution. Kerensky
continued by saying the men, by their actions, are disorganizing the navy by
reducing its fighting capacity. Kerensky
finishes the telegram with the note that he awaits news of the complete
re-establishment of order
Kerensky will soon receive his response. On the 25th of September a
meeting of great importance was held.
The Second Congress of delegates to the Baltic Fleet was opened and
Dybenko would once again be elected its chairman. When he was chosen the sailors leader it was
not because there were an increase in Bolshevik membership on the committee,
rather, it was because as Dr. Norman Saul's investigation revealed, Dybenko was the ...."natural leader of Tsentrobalt”,
the understandable choice!
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| Bessie Beatty |
Many an observer sees Kerensky attempt to encourage the
fleet by declaring,
“If
mutinous sailors can be quelled and discipline and fighting spirit restored,
the Russian fleet could effectually hamper—perhaps prevent—operations by a
German fleet in the Baltic”
When it became known that the German fleet was seeking to
engage Russia
in battle, the commander of the Baltic Fleet, Admiral Razvozov, came to the Second
Congress of delegates to the Baltic Fleet and asked Dybenko if the sailors
would execute the battle orders of the Commanding Personnel.
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| Admiral Razvozov |
The sailor’s leader informed him that the battle orders
under the control of the conference Commissar would be executed, but that the
orders of the Government would not be obeyed, whereby the Commander of the
Fleet was warned, that if he did not execute any order of the Commissar of the
council, he would be the first to hang on the first mast available. If attacked by the powerful German fleet, our
warships will be doomed in an unequal struggle.
Not one ship will refuse to fight, not one sailor will desert his
ship. Our much-abused Fleet will do its
duty toward the great Revolution. We
consider it our duty to defend Petrograd. We will fulfill our self-imposed obligation.
Yet, according to Dybenko, he (Admiral Razvozov ) was
assured by the congress that “in battle your order is law.”
The Second Congress of delegates to the Baltic Fleet also
demanded the resignation of Kerensky. (Kerensky
does not exist for the fleet!)
To thee, Kerensky, who has betrayed the revolution, we send
curses. At the moment when our comrades,
stricken down by shells and bullets, and drowning in the Gulf of Riga, are
calling us to the defense of the revolution; at this moment when we all, as one
man, are ready to lay down our lives for freedom, ready to die in open fight on
the sea and with the external foe and on the barricades with the internal
enemy, we are sending to thee, Kerensky and to thy friends, curses for thy
appeals, by which thou art endeavoring to disintegrate the forces of the fleet
in this fearful hour for the country and the revolution
Three days later on the 29th, news correspondents
reported, the Second Congress of the delegates to the Baltic Fleet and its
resolutions drew the attention of the Russian Naval Military Officials who were
acknowledging serious disorder among the sailors of the Baltic Fleet.
The official word of the government reported it had just
crushed in its incipiency new seditious and mutinous agitations among the ranks
of the Baltic Fleet and stated that . Tsentrobalt had, according to reports
from the government, sent a series of preposterous demands.
In reply, Minister of the Navy Verderevsky promptly sent
back word to Tsentorbalt that the provisional government would not consider for
a moment granting the committee’s demands. He declared that the
government would combat with all its power the slightest attempt at sowing new
distrust among the sailors. Furthermore, he decreed the dissolution of
Tsentrobalt and ordered new elections. Any agitation, the minister
asserted, in the Baltic fleet against the commanders will be regarded as
treason.
Dybenko responds by sending a telegram to Admiral Verderevsky
encouraging him to submit only truthful information to the newspapers. Of course Dybenko’s telegram wasn’t going to
stop the government. More misinformation
makes its way to the newspapers, one read;
‘The demoralization of the fleet has progressed
simultaneously with the demoralization of the army, and the results have been
visible for weeks. The murder of
officers, the open defiance of naval orders, and the orders to the government
by Tsentrobalt, are some of the outward indication of the destructive effects
happening now in the Baltic Fleet’.
Dybenko and
Tsentrobalt thought differently, in a dispatch to Petrograd:
“Reports that the fleet is not ready to meet the enemy are
untrue,” said Cap. M. Ivanoff, “The fleet is full of fighting ardor and is
ready to repel the enemy. Stories of
evil influence exerted by the sailors’ committee are greatly exaggerated. The near future will show how honorably the
fleet will fulfill its duty to the country.
In regard to the outside enemy Germany,
Dybenko declared, “the fleet considers it our duty to defend Petrograd. We will fulfill our self-imposed
obligation. Not because of the request
of a pitiful Russian Bonaparte (Kerensky) who retains power simply because of
the unlimited patience of the Russian Revolution. Nor because of the treaties made by our
government with the Allies, treaties intended to smother the Russian
Revolution. We follow the call of our
revolutionary sentiment.
The Battle
of Moon Sound
More than two thirds of the entire German fleet was concentrated against the small Russian sea forces in the straits between the islands at the entrance to the Gulf of Riga.
More than two thirds of the entire German fleet was concentrated against the small Russian sea forces in the straits between the islands at the entrance to the Gulf of Riga.
The largest single action in which the Baltic Fleet engaged
in during World War 1.
German Forces vs Russian Forces (Baltic
Fleet)
24,600 soldiers 12,000
infantry
300 vessels 2
Battleships
3 Light Cruisers Several
Destroyers
The Russian ships had stood in the Irben Channel and the appearance
of the Germans off the north of Osel
Island was
unexpected. An observer noted the
bravery displayed in particular by the men of the destroyer Grom.
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| Destroyer Grom |
German infantry attempted to reach Moon
Island, which is connected with Osel Island
by a massive outcropping of large stones or mole. It was reported only six Baltic fleet sailors
were at the point of attack although each of them were armed with machine
guns. The Germans made several
unsuccessful attempts to seize the mole.
Each advance would be beaten back by the heroic efforts of the
sailors. Finally forty Germans managed
to push their way through and the six defenders were annihilated. A lesser known fact, about the British Fleets aid, although widely expected by the German Baltic Fleet headquarters...Great Britain's Royal Navy did not aid the Russian Fleet against the dominant German Navy...reported in America and Canada as the "British Fleet stands down...fails to support its ally".
Over at Helsingfors the sailors of the main Baltic fleet
were demanding that more ships be sent out to meet the Germans but the Russian
Naval Ministry maintained its’ decision.
It was understood to have taken the position that as the
enemy forces are of superior size, it would be disastrous to leave Petrograd undefended. The Russian Naval Ministry has issued the following statement regarding the naval battle in the Gulf of Riga. "Tuesday night an enemy squadron of 20 plus ships penetrated the Gulf of Riga and at nine the next morning they were discovered making their way through the channels south of Moon Sound. This squadron included two battleships of the Koenig type.
Our detachments, under Admiral Bakhireff hoisted his flag on the cruiser Bayan, accompanied by the battleships Grjdanin and Slava, steamed from the eastern part of Moon Island to engage the enemy, preceded by torpedo boat patrols, which withdrew before the enemy. "At nine-thirty the Germans opened fire on our topedo boats and our detachement, moving from the channel, took up formation in a radius between Werden and Weiland lighthouse, near Moon Island. While approaching the enemy the cruiser Bayan was unsuccessfully attacked by a hostile submarine. At ten thirty our detachments engaged the enemy squadron. The fire of the hostile dreadnaughts was directed from a distance beyond the range of our old type vessels. At noon in view of the enemy's superiority and the appearance of new enemy ships, Admiral Bakhiroff ordered the detachment to retire into the interior of Moon Sound. Our ships then turned northward and withdrew from the fighting. The battleship Slava, the last ship of the line, and which had been damaged severely under the water line, finally sank by the head and foundered in the deep entrance of Moon Sound. The remainder of the squadron entered the channel.
The remainder of the squadron entered the channel. Party of the enemy squadron began to fire on the Moon and Werder batteries and silenced and destroyed them. Our vessels suffered some damage. After shelling the batteries the enemy entered the southern part of the sound...enabling the cruiser Admiral Makaroff, some gunboats and destroyers in the inner waters of Moon Sound to protect that channel and the mouth of Kasser Bay, between the three islands, Moon, Dago, and Osel. Some of these ships remained throughout Tuesday night near the Coast of Osel Island and repeatedly attempted to make their way into the eastern portion of Kasser Bay. However, a German torpedo boat escorting the main squadron ran into a Russian mine and sank.
 |
| German Fleet in Gulf of Riga |
 |
| Battleship Slava |
The Germans on Wednesday
began to land troops on Dago Island, south of the entrance to the Gulf of Finland. Count
Kapnist recalled the battle by sharing, “The Germans effected landing
operations of Oesel
Island with 12
transports, escorted by 12 battleships of all types, five cruisers, and
enormous number of auxiliaries, and 30 destroyers.
The outcome did not go as planned...heavy naval losses sustained by the Germans evidently stagger them, as they had palpably under estimated the morale of the Russian sailors
It was impossible for our entire Baltic Fleet to meet the enemy without abandoning responsibility for the protection of the Gulf of Finland.” According to the Count’s statement, “the fleet, despite the numerical superiority of the enemy, has been displaying great heroism. Admiral Bakhireff, who commanded the Russian naval squadron in the battle, testified to the gallantry of the crew who took part in the engagement.
The outcome did not go as planned...heavy naval losses sustained by the Germans evidently stagger them, as they had palpably under estimated the morale of the Russian sailors
 |
| German troops landing on Dago Island |
It was impossible for our entire Baltic Fleet to meet the enemy without abandoning responsibility for the protection of the Gulf of Finland.” According to the Count’s statement, “the fleet, despite the numerical superiority of the enemy, has been displaying great heroism. Admiral Bakhireff, who commanded the Russian naval squadron in the battle, testified to the gallantry of the crew who took part in the engagement.
On the 15th of September the papers read,
“Germans Win Riga”. The German army had
at last delivered its long anticipated blow at the northern end of the Russian
war front.
The target was the port
of Riga, the most important port
between Petrograd and the German
frontier. For both military
considerations and political reasons, Riga
was considered to be valuable. Russian
Army leadership was either taken by surprise or would demonstrate plain
incompetence. Russian Gen. Parskii, who
was appointed command of the city of Riga,
ordered an all out retreat owing to his inability to adequately defend the
city.
General Parskii’s and his
men’s efforts notwithstanding….Minister of the Navy Verderevsky mentioned he
considered the action of the Russian Naval forces in going out to meet the
German fleet; one of great valor, for each German dreadnought of the Koenig
type was much more powerful than the entire Russian squadron.
Count Kapnist and Admiral Bakhireff testified to the high morale of the Russian sailors, despite the crushing superiority of the enemy...the sailors behaved as heroes.
Admiral Bakhireff, who commanded the Russian naval squadron in the battle, testified to the gallantry of the crew who took part in the engagement. Even the Russian Admiralty issued several statements that said in effect, the sailors had more than given good account of themselves and had fought with honor and bravery.
Count Kapnist and Admiral Bakhireff testified to the high morale of the Russian sailors, despite the crushing superiority of the enemy...the sailors behaved as heroes.
Admiral Bakhireff, who commanded the Russian naval squadron in the battle, testified to the gallantry of the crew who took part in the engagement. Even the Russian Admiralty issued several statements that said in effect, the sailors had more than given good account of themselves and had fought with honor and bravery.
Dybenko provided an explanation for why the Baltic sailors
should have shown such close cooperation with their officers during the battle
of Moon Sound. The control over
operational matters was firmly in the hands of the sailors themselves. This had been agreed, and the Moon Sound
operations had been extremely successful, because the losses on the German side
had been much greater than those suffered by the Russians.
Kerensky sees’ it differently, he blamed the Baltic Fleet
and stated that if it wasn’t for lack of discipline the sailors might have
prevented the Germans from seizing the isles.
Times naval correspondent quoted Kerensky as saying:
“It is clear that the failure of
the entire Russian Baltic Fleet to put in an appearance when the strength of
the German force under Vice-Admiral Schmidt became known at Petrograd was the
primary cause of the loss of the islands in the Gulf of Riga. A couple of old battleships with the
assistance of a flotilla of destroyers and gunboats could not be expected even
with the display of the most stubborn courage to withstand the formidable squadrons
by which they were opposed”.
Kerensky
continued with his negative analysis.
“That this little division of the
Russian fleet sacrificed itself in an attempt to delay the victory of the enemy
is a high tribute to its gallantry and patriotism.
“That is was not reinforced from the fleet in the Gulf of
Finland with ships which should be capable of more effective resistance and the
possibility of defeating the enemy’s object, was due, it must be supposed, to
the loss of discipline brought about by the revolution”.
Tsentrobalt’s resolutions from its Second Congress are not
far from Kerensky’s mind.
In order to tone down all the attention the fleet was
receiving he put forth the opinion that although the sailors were to be honored
for valor and bravery,
“The sailors actions were bolstered by their need to redeem
themselves from the unenviable notoriety they had earned in the disorders of
July.”
Indeed, the
sailors had fought with valor and bravery but as Dybenko emphasized,
“The sailors fought not because they wanted to expiate their
guilt before the Government, as Kerensky seemed to imagine, but because they
were defending the Revolution and all it stood for with all their might.
During the months leading up to Great October Pavel Dybenko became known
as the soul of the Baltic fleet. If the
speakers from the other parties knew that Dybenko was to make a speech at the
same meeting they would refuse to talk and try to cancel the meeting
altogether. That is why Dybenko
preferred to show up without warning and he was known to start talking before
he reached the stand. Dybenko was
eloquent and could make people not only listen to him but agree with him as
well.
Next in the Great October Series; 1917 The Year of Dybenko
Part III
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