 | |
| 1917 The year of the Sailor |
On February 24th a revolt broke out in the fleet under the pretext
..."in order to support Petrograd!".
The next day the ships crews were said to have raised red banners.
Pavel Dybenko finds himself in Petrograd...Having heard about the fleets uprising at Kronshtadt, Dybenko thought the Baltic Fleet Sailor knew it was time for the old abusers ...the exploiters with epaulets and arrogance...to reconcile with their destiny.
The final truth of dignity was not to be denied and the purveyors, the most convinced monarchists, and stanch supporters of a disparaging system would soon pay the ultimate price for their convictions.
There are two well known poems written about this moment.
From the sailors...
The authorities were missing solidness.
Solidness misses the authorities.
And from now on for the common good both parts merged together.
Everybody is happy that justice is restored.
The authorities are in the appropriate situation now,
What a sight: a butcher has been hung on his own rope.
Another from Vladimir Mayakovsky...(not in Helsingfors)
Drunken mob yells
Helping greyhead admirals
Down the bridge
Feet up heads down
In Helsingfors.
Finland Shipbuilder G.S. Westman who actually witnessed the events in Helsingfors as they unfolded was interviewed in May of 1917 stating...
"The sailors had lists of all the officers and their residences. They killed most of the high ranking officers and spared the younger ones. The sailors did not harm a single civilian and maintained order in the city".
In any event...The Volna (Wave)
The wave of revolution has risen. Boldly it rushed at the dark somber rock; with one blow it brought down its eroded, shaky foundation. It pulls back for a moment and again with still greater strength, falls upon the dense pile of fragments, washes them away and carries them to the depths of the sea. And the wave will not fall, it will become calm, rather it will grow, absorbing in itself new strengths until it has finished its task, the task of truth...
The old order in the navy was overthrown and a new order was to emerge. It was on the penalty ship the "Scha", Dybenko's ship, that becomes the center of underground activities for the Main Base (Helsingfors) and which formulates the concepts and guidelines needed for an independent organization made up of sailors' representatives from various ships in the fleet. This organization become known as Tsentrobalt or Central Committee of the Baltic Fleet, one of the most famous elected bodies in 1917 and it played a special role in most all of Russia's historic events in 1917.
 |
| Flag of Tsentrobalt |
 |
| Dybenko |
Pavel Dybenko
"The Baltic Fleet should be united so as its voice can be clearly heard by the Government"
 |
| Malkov |
Member of Navy Revolutionary Committee speaking about Pavel Dybenko
"Tall, with broad shoulders and with sparkles in his eyes he could easily calm down too agitated sailors. When the sailors would all come together from different ships fro a meeting, all indefatigable, energetic and loud, it required a lot of skill to keep this crowd under control and to channel its energy the right way. Just some good slogans were not enough; they needed somebody with a great sense of humor, an eloquent speaker, somebody who would have absolute respect and authority with the sailors".
 |
| Izmailov |
...it was by Dybenko's leadership that Tsentrobalt skillfully brought together many of its revolutionary ideals. Dybenko authored its charter and more importantly re-defined the relationship between the fleet and government. A person of strong will power and stamina, he was very capable and very energetic and his active position gained him a lot of authority and respect among the sailors."
On April 27th, 1917 the plenary
session of the Helsingfors Soviet sanctioned the project and suggested that all
the fleet committees should send their representatives to Tsentrobalt.
From Kronshtadt sailor Fedor Raskolnikov came and observed;
There were several notable outcomes from the congress that assembled in Helsingfors during the spring of 1917...
1) Israel Getzler a leading Russian historian stated;
It was in its commune-like self government that Tsentrobalt really came into its own, realizing the radical, democratic and egalitarian aspirations of its garrisons and working people, their insatiable appetite for social recognition, political activity and public debate, their pent up yearning for education, integration and community. Almost overnight, the ship's crews, the naval and military units and the workers created and practiced a direct democracy of base assemblies and committees.
2) Pavel Dybenko, on the question of supporting the new Provisional Government
The fleet would look to the intellectuals to tend to the matters of social policy and the administering of government believing they had clearly heard the protestations and would make good on the promise of improving the conditions in the lives of the Russian people. Amidst slander by Admiral Kolchak that the Baltic Fleet were nothing more than German Military Staff stooges and fears that the Baltic Fleet would not bow to the authority of the new Government...Pavel Dybenko, as Chairman of Tsentrobalt insisted the Navy would have full confidence and provide complete support for the Provisional Government with Prince L'vov at the helm.
3) As reported by Izvestiya Gelsingforsskogo Soveta No.79, June 20, 1917...page 4
Pavel Dybenko speaking to assembled sailors at Senateskaya Square
Unfortunately a test of wills between Kerensky and Tsentrobalt materializes. The former calling on the sailors to greet Kerensky aboard the officers ship the "Krechet" and the latter demanding the institution whose protocol required Kerensky to address the sailors aboard the "Viola".
Chairman of Tsentrobalt Dybenko recalled,
Kerensky abruptly looked upon Tsentrobalts' Chairman to address the rude interruption. Dybenko immediately stood to address the matter. With a wry smile on his face, Dybenko chastised Khorvin for interrupting the Minister. Kerensky was taken aback, not pleased with the sarcastic reprimand began to collect his papers and with agitation in his words suggested to Dybenko the whole staff of Tsentrobalt should be reconsidered. Furthermore Kerensky added he refused to enter into debate by answering crafty questions put to him by those he considered his subordinates. In response, Chairman Dybenko declared the Ministers explanations unsatisfactory. For his part, Kerensky feeling disrespected gathers himself and with his associates makes way to leave the "Viola". Dybenko recalled not being amused at the clumsily retreating actions of Kerensky and his staff. An eerie silence fell about the ship and while departing, Kerensky was overheard telling one of his associates throughrough his clenched teeth, the sailors were nothing more than "Slaves in revolt!!"
Having heard Kerensky's declaration the sailors responded with a confident emotion of pride,
"Yes we were slaves and yes we have revolted!"
In Petrograd, the incident was discussed by many of the Petrograd committee intellectuals.
According to Inessa Armand, Lenin's mistress:
Alexsandra was a beautiful woman and her presence creates quite a stir. "She has the witches eye, as the Italian's say--a large, open dark and flashing eye, emitting something like a spark in moments of excitement. The brows are perfectly penciled and the lashes hang over heavily with effects almost Oriental. The abundant and chestnut hair is well combed. She is of a very elegant figure, despite the art of the corsetiere. All her lines are elegant, like her gestures, and no Parisians ever fitted herself with skirts more clinging than that of Kollontai's. The nose is just a trifle heavy, and the cheeks are pronounced rather than round. The neck and shoulders are perfect. The lady makes a physical impression of largeness rather than of solidarity. The hair seems more abundant than it is possibly because it is so well groomed.
Alexsandra Kollontai wore a long broadcloth coat and a hat when she appeared in front of the sailors. Dybenko greeted the strikingly beautiful woman and introduced himself as the Chairman of Tsentrobalt. Extending his hand to shake hers and to explain to her she was the first woman to set foot aboard the linear ship, and for many a sailor; a woman aboard ship was a sure sign of bad luck to come.
The bad luck to come would soon take on historical consequences; not only for Dybenko, Kollontai and the sailors but for the people of Russia as well.
As Kollontai finished with her speech and prepared to depart, Dybenko with a couple of his most trusted sailors saw to it that Kollontai's entourage would be safely escorted to shore. On the motorboat Dybenko took her to shore and gently as if she were a child lifted her up out of the boat and put her safely on the ground.
Kollontai would remember her first meeting with Chairman Dybenko recalling that he was a tall and handsome man who had deep facial features with eyes full of enthusiasm and energy that sparkled on his dark face.
Lenin's wife Krupshkaya recalled that Dybenko and Kollontai began a relationship that was to last five years, and a friendship that lasted much longer.
Inessa Armand remembered Kollontai had fallen in love with Dybenko, a huge, fine looking sailor whom she had met after being recruited as a sort of celebrity agitator to tour the fleet.
By the spring of 1917, Lenin and Kollontai were well known to each other. Kollontai was a long standing political ally of Lenin and others in the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party. The two had met long ago...Kollontai was present in 1903 in Burssels at the Second Congress of the RSDLP. She became one of Lenin's few faithful advocates, and he wrote to her frequently. Along with Trotsky, Kollontai had become a full fledged member, apparently, of the great triumvirate, no critical decision being taken without her approval.
In April, Kollontai was in attendance and supported Lenin's speech to the All Russian Executive Committee of Soviet Workers. Lenin's speech, "Bread, Peace and Land" was in tune and supported desires of the majority of the Russians. Lenin called for a new government to be formed...lead by no other than himself. For many reasons Lenin's speech did not sit well with members of the Executive committee; he was dismissed as unrealistic and subsequently ignored.
Lenin's egotistical personality had usually coerced political rivals to yield. This time however the outcome of him being ill received did not sit well with the man who wanted to rule Russia. As for Kollontai...she was a lone voice speaking out in favor of Lenin.
A short simple song went about Petrograd at the time:
"Though Lenin gives a tweet, Kollontai follows suit.
If Ponokov and Luxumberg knew that opportunistic vanguardism was at the core of Lenin's belief's...so too Kollontai had to know. Lenin advocated for a group of intelligentsia exploit popular movements to seize state power and then use that state power to whip the population into the society they chose. This view was generally regarded as a right wing deviation of the socialist movement but didn't seem to trouble Kollontai one bit. Quite the contrary, she continues to place her faith in Lenin.
Lenin was fully aware that:
"attaining power with out the backing of the Baltic Fleet would prove impossible"
For that he would turn to Kollontai...she was to seduce its leader Dybenko...get him to support Lenin...Without Kollontai's influence upon Dybenko history may have turned out much differently. Kollontai was available to allay fear and otherwise convince Dybenko that Lenin held Russia's best interest in his chest pocket. For his part Lenin went along...talking the line...all the while not believing a word of it...telling the people what they wanted to hear. What would history have been like if Kollontai's political alliances were with Spirinadova?
The fleet would look to the intellectuals to tend to the matters of social policy and the administering of government believing they had clearly heard the protestations and would make good on the promise of improving the conditions in the lives of the Russian people. Amidst slander by Admiral Kolchak that the Baltic Fleet were nothing more than German Military Staff stooges and fears that the Baltic Fleet would not bow to the authority of the new Government...Pavel Dybenko, as Chairman of Tsentrobalt insisted the Navy would have full confidence and provide complete support for the Provisional Government with Prince L'vov at the helm.
3) As reported by Izvestiya Gelsingforsskogo Soveta No.79, June 20, 1917...page 4
Reading out a telegram Admiral Vederevsky sent to the Provisional Government which clearly stated his opposition of the selection for the post of Chief of the 1st Brigade Battleships...one Captain 1st rank Zarubaeva. Admiral Vederevsky declared if this post is elected...not appointed he would resign his duties.
In response, Dybenko stated that, "Recognizing the principle of election on the ships positions is the only correct way which alone leads to the realization of democracy.
The Helsingfors Sailors parliamentary in conjuction with naval committees commit to this principle and will defend this decision with all available means".
Kerensky's visit
In the spring of 1917 Minister of War, Alexander Kerensky travels to Helsingfors to inspect the fleet and give a speech.
"The object of my journey is to investigate the condition and capacity for defense of the Baltic Fleet, of course, there are some insignificant difficulties, but they are inevitable after such a colossal upheaval as has taken place in Russia. Nevertheless, the preparations for defense are quite complete. All vessels are in splendid condition and perfect readiness for fighting. The sailors fully realize the seriousness of the situation and the responsibility to defend the country or die. All rumours of weakening of the Baltic fleet are quite unfounded. Such rumors are purposely spread by the enemies of liberty".
" I say that Russia is now the freest state, the Russian fleet the freest fleet"
 | |
| Officers ship "Krechet" |
"We were all exhausted by the long wait for the minister. Finally, the phone rang I answered it. There was Kerensky's secretary on the line. He said that Kerensky has ordered all of Tsentrobalt to show up at the "Krechet" by 4pm. I told the secretary that Tsentrobalt is a legal institution and the minister is supposed to come over, not the other way round. Besides we have many urgent and pressing matters to solve. We respectfully ask Minister Kerensky to come over instead"
Kerensky with entourage finally arrive aboard the ship Viola for the much anticipated meeting with the sailors. On board, Chairman Dybenko greets Kerensky and introduces him to the sailors as the People's Minister of War.
As Kerensky spoke some of the sailors began to feel restless and impatient...his speech was by most accounts received poorly...the sailors had heard similar speeches from demagogues such as Kerensky before. One of them, Khorvin, a member of the governing body of Tsentrobalt interrupted, "we are here to solve some urgent issues and not to listen to long speeches, we believe the Minister should speak directly to the real matters".
Kerensky abruptly looked upon Tsentrobalts' Chairman to address the rude interruption. Dybenko immediately stood to address the matter. With a wry smile on his face, Dybenko chastised Khorvin for interrupting the Minister. Kerensky was taken aback, not pleased with the sarcastic reprimand began to collect his papers and with agitation in his words suggested to Dybenko the whole staff of Tsentrobalt should be reconsidered. Furthermore Kerensky added he refused to enter into debate by answering crafty questions put to him by those he considered his subordinates. In response, Chairman Dybenko declared the Ministers explanations unsatisfactory. For his part, Kerensky feeling disrespected gathers himself and with his associates makes way to leave the "Viola". Dybenko recalled not being amused at the clumsily retreating actions of Kerensky and his staff. An eerie silence fell about the ship and while departing, Kerensky was overheard telling one of his associates throughrough his clenched teeth, the sailors were nothing more than "Slaves in revolt!!"
Having heard Kerensky's declaration the sailors responded with a confident emotion of pride,
"Yes we were slaves and yes we have revolted!"
In Petrograd, the incident was discussed by many of the Petrograd committee intellectuals.
.........Pavel Dybenko had won fame by throwing Kerensky overboard!
Alexsandra Kollontai remembers talk among the intellectuals as;
.........The defenders were becoming afraid of Pavel Dybenko.
Realizing the independence of the fleet...the Petrograd Committee sends the first of many members. Directed to Helsingfors; Antipov, Starka and Antonov-Ovseenko become the core of Bolsheviki political agitation among the Baltic Fleet Sailors.
Antonov-Ovseenko is the first to arrive at Helsingfors and is immediately made aware of the man called Dybenko, Antonov recalled: "he stood out with his complete solidarity, low voice, confidence in his walk, calm reservedness of his black eyes and curled beard, a handsome man and very businesslike...He is the Chairman of Tsentrobalt; an old sailor from the flagship "Polar Star"."
Another supporter of Lenins'...Alexsandra Kollontai arrives in Helsingfors
Another supporter of Lenins'...Alexsandra Kollontai arrives in Helsingfors
Alexsandra Kollontai wore a long broadcloth coat and a hat when she appeared in front of the sailors. Dybenko greeted the strikingly beautiful woman and introduced himself as the Chairman of Tsentrobalt. Extending his hand to shake hers and to explain to her she was the first woman to set foot aboard the linear ship, and for many a sailor; a woman aboard ship was a sure sign of bad luck to come.
As Kollontai finished with her speech and prepared to depart, Dybenko with a couple of his most trusted sailors saw to it that Kollontai's entourage would be safely escorted to shore. On the motorboat Dybenko took her to shore and gently as if she were a child lifted her up out of the boat and put her safely on the ground.
Kollontai would remember her first meeting with Chairman Dybenko recalling that he was a tall and handsome man who had deep facial features with eyes full of enthusiasm and energy that sparkled on his dark face.
 |
| Krupshkaya |
Lenin's wife Krupshkaya recalled that Dybenko and Kollontai began a relationship that was to last five years, and a friendship that lasted much longer.
 |
| Armand |
Inessa Armand remembered Kollontai had fallen in love with Dybenko, a huge, fine looking sailor whom she had met after being recruited as a sort of celebrity agitator to tour the fleet.
By the spring of 1917, Lenin and Kollontai were well known to each other. Kollontai was a long standing political ally of Lenin and others in the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party. The two had met long ago...Kollontai was present in 1903 in Burssels at the Second Congress of the RSDLP. She became one of Lenin's few faithful advocates, and he wrote to her frequently. Along with Trotsky, Kollontai had become a full fledged member, apparently, of the great triumvirate, no critical decision being taken without her approval.
In April, Kollontai was in attendance and supported Lenin's speech to the All Russian Executive Committee of Soviet Workers. Lenin's speech, "Bread, Peace and Land" was in tune and supported desires of the majority of the Russians. Lenin called for a new government to be formed...lead by no other than himself. For many reasons Lenin's speech did not sit well with members of the Executive committee; he was dismissed as unrealistic and subsequently ignored.
Lenin's egotistical personality had usually coerced political rivals to yield. This time however the outcome of him being ill received did not sit well with the man who wanted to rule Russia. As for Kollontai...she was a lone voice speaking out in favor of Lenin.
A short simple song went about Petrograd at the time:
"Though Lenin gives a tweet, Kollontai follows suit.
Recorded in her writing A Giant Mind, A Giant Will Kollontai reveals the nature of her relationship with Lenin...
"In October 1914 I wrote my first letter to
Vladimir Ilyich. In the reply which I received through a Russian comrade I was ordered
to start work immediately and to get in touch with those socialists in Scandinavia who would assist in carrying out Lenin’s
policy on the continuing struggle of the working class. From that moment
onwards I worked under the direct guidance of Vladimir Ilyich".
 |
| Lenin |
If Ponokov and Luxumberg knew that opportunistic vanguardism was at the core of Lenin's belief's...so too Kollontai had to know. Lenin advocated for a group of intelligentsia exploit popular movements to seize state power and then use that state power to whip the population into the society they chose. This view was generally regarded as a right wing deviation of the socialist movement but didn't seem to trouble Kollontai one bit. Quite the contrary, she continues to place her faith in Lenin.
Lenin was fully aware that:
"attaining power with out the backing of the Baltic Fleet would prove impossible"
For that he would turn to Kollontai...she was to seduce its leader Dybenko...get him to support Lenin...Without Kollontai's influence upon Dybenko history may have turned out much differently. Kollontai was available to allay fear and otherwise convince Dybenko that Lenin held Russia's best interest in his chest pocket. For his part Lenin went along...talking the line...all the while not believing a word of it...telling the people what they wanted to hear. What would history have been like if Kollontai's political alliances were with Spirinadova?
 |
| Spirinadova |
The summer of 1917
Dreadful economic conditions, continued support of World War I without adequate supply, the lack of land reforms and a feeling of compromising with the rhetoric of the ruling class brought out the public of Petrograd in numerous demonstrations expressing disappointment and frustration with the Provisional Government and its policies. The politicians of the Provisional Government, those who replaced the Tsar, proved inept, cowardly, and self serving. The ministers failed to rise to the historical need of the time. This was the summer of 1917 in Russia...the summer full of challenges that remained unsolved.
The Provisional Government failed to recognize Tsentrobalt as an institution...expected subordination and loyalty...the sailors efforts over the last decade discounted. This lack of consideration toward the fleet would prove unwise as forces i.e. Lenin sought to exploit this flaw...while Lenin and others stoked the flames for demonstrations and protest against the Provisional Government...a separate incident between the fleet and the government brought about by Kerensky would be historically misinterpreted as tacit support for the actions of the Bolsheviki...as documented below; Dybenko and the fleet's resolution in July did call for a change in Goverment: not in support of Lenin or the Bolsheviks but in support of the intellectual soviet not yet dominated by the Bolsheviks.
Demonstrations by residents and workers in protest of the failed actions on part of the Provisional Government are scheduled for Petrograd in early July. Many in the government blame the Bolsheviks for initiating the demonstrations. Kerensky and his advisors fear the navy, it was their understanding the fleet was now unrealiable and may facilitate a disaster out of an already tenuous situation. In reaction to all this, the government decides to meet with Asst. Minister of the Navy Dudorov and have him control the activities of the fleet.
Subsequently, in Helsingfors the members of Tsentrobalt notice the movement of some ships, suspecting something is going on, they all make their way to Headquarters aboard the "Polar Star".
Asst. Minister of the Navy Dudorov had just completed sending a secret dispatch to Admiral Vederevsky with instructions for the fleet. The secret orders are intercepted by sailors and given to Tsentrobalt personnel who sent them on directly to Chairman Dybenko. The orders read in part...to bring several ships close to Petrograd and restrain certain ships from entering Kronshtadt to the point of firing at them".
Tsentrobalt interprets Kerensky and Dudorov having stepped over the line...the Provisional Government had just challenged Tsentrobalt's authority.
Chairman Dybenko calls for an extraordinary session of Tsentrobalt. He reads aloud the two secret orders just received by Admiral Vederevsky and signed by asst. Minister Dudorov. The first called on Admiral Vederevsky to send four destroyers to Petrograd to prevent by force the landing of sailors from the side of Kronshtadt; the second demanded Admiral Vederevsky should not on any pretext allow the departure of ships from Helsingfors to Kronshtadt, and if necessary, with fail sink non-compliant ships with submarines.
On the "Kretchet" Admiral Vederevsky is looking over the telegram.
Admiral Vederevsky knows that Dybenko and Tsentrobalt have already read the telegram....cautiously, for fear of his well being, he decides to turn over the telegram to Tsentrobalt announcing he did not intend to carry out the orders. Chairman Dybenko and Tsentrobalt agree to pass a resolution calling for the transfer of power from the Provisional Government to the All-Russian Central Executive Committee.
Chairman Dybenko signs the resolution and it is agreed upon to send a delegation of sailors to Petrograd. Calling for the arrest of Asst. Minister Dudorov and to have Tsentrobalts' resolution read to a joint session of the Executive Committtee.
The delegation of sailors from Tsentrobalt consisted of sixty-seven sailors taken to Petrograd aboard the Destroyer "Orpheus"
The "Orpheus" entered the mouth of the Neva and moored shortly thereafter. Trouble raises its head right away as the crew learns they are ordered not to disembark. A telegram is sent to Chairman Dybenko.
The sailors' presence made necessary...according to then Executive Committee spokesman Woitinsky...
to declare that armored cars were available in support and an order was dispatched to certain units (on the front) to make their way to Petrograd in order to defend against any "danger" threatening the revolution.
After receiving the telegram sent from the delegation of sailors on board the "Orpheus" Tsentrobalt decides to send Chairman Dybenko with other elected delegates to Petrograd aboard the Torpedo boat the "Gremyaschiy" in order to resolve any challenges.
Most members of the high assembly associate the sailors actions with those of Lenin and his Bolsheviki...the sailors were caught in a whirlwind...and one that was happening above their heads...Executive Committee Members believe the sailors were there in support of the Bolsheviki....even though Tsentrobalts resolution clearly asked that the Executive Committee take control of government and to enact legislation addressing issues the current Provisional Government wouldn't. Again, and it needs repeating...the Executive Committee was not a Bolshevik dominated body nor did the presence of Tsentrobalts sailors in Petrograd on this day in July of 1917 have any correlation with what Lenin and the Bolsheviki were up to.
The smugness of the intellectuals in the Executive Committee served only one purpose...to push Tsentrobalt closer to the Bolsheviki. While Tsentrobalts delegates arrived with the resolution in hand...calling for the change in government and the order for the arrest of Asst. Minister Dudorov; the Executive Committee members responded most unfavorably.
According to the Committee members asst. Minister of the Navy Dudorov was a gallant captain of the first rank and was only fulfilling his sacred duty to the revolution (ironically one that wouldn't have happened if not for the sailors convictions) In a special resolution the members present during the joint session agreed to declare its solidarity for the Minister Dudorov. As for the Provisional Government the same body declared its faith in its confidence of Kerensky and his Ministers. Tsentrobalts delegation which presented the Committee with its resolution looked at one another with startling surprise.
The next day the whole of Tsentrobalts delegation was arrested including their leader Pavel Dybenko. Furthermore, the Provisional Government will call upon Admiral Vederevsky to make his presence in Petrograd to explain matters.
In Helsingfors the sailors' learn of the arrests of Dybenko and the delegates of Tsentrobalt. One organization calling itself the Sailors Section of the Helsingfors Soviet protested the measures taken by the Provisional Government. Unlike Tsentrobalt, the Section was a very outspoken and political body. It defended the newspaper "Priobi" (the voice of revolutionary democracy) which was supportive of the Bolsheviki. The Section also favored Pavel Dybenko calling him a worthy, honest, and steadfast freedom fighter...the spokesman of the whole mass of the Baltic fleet.
Kerensky waste's no time in lashing out against the fleet for actions he saw as harmful and unlawful. He also has the opportunity to set matters straight after having been disrespected aboard the "Viola" less than two months previous. Kerensky appoints Naval investigator Colonel Shubin to oversee an investigation and to present his findings. Kerensky orders Tsentrobalt to be dissolved demanding the sailors drive out from their minds people like Dybenko who called for no obedience to the Provisional Government and anyone else in support of this view. Moreover, Kerensky called upon the sailors of Kronshtadt and on the ships "Petropavlovsk", "Respublika" and "Slava" whose names have been stained by counter revolutionary actions and resolutons to arrest instigators...to send them directly to Petrograd and to immediately declare their subordination to the Provisional Government.
On July 11th, Naval investigator Colonel Shubin presents his findings to a panel of members from the Naval Ministry and other seated members of Government. Colonel Shubin accused Pavel Dybenko, along with other members of Tsentrobalt, of causing the orders of the government to be disobeyed. The insubordination Colonel Shubin declared resulted in blocking the dispatch of four destroyers, of releasing a distorted interpretation of the secret telegram, an of inciting members of Tsentrobalt to agree to the order for the dismissal of Onipko and the arrest of Dudorov.
Moreover, the sailors of Tsentrobalt were accused of provoking a blatant uprising against the Provisional Government by fostering rebellion among the crews on the ships at Helsingfors. Colonel Shubin maintained these treasonous activities guided the fleet in opposing the sending of armed forced to Petrograd at the demand of the Provisional Government.
Dybenko and many of the sailors delegation were remanded to the infamous Kresty Prison.
Up until now Pavel Dybenko and Tsentrobalt had been independent and open to the elite intellectuals responding to the needs of the Russian peoples...the sailors had a long history of blood shed to ensure social change was inevitable. The sailors took on the Romanov's rule...were challenging Kerensky's rule and now with Kerensky's mishandling of Tsentrobalts resolution in July...allowed for Kollontai to influence Dybenko which would prove valuable to Lenin and the Bolsheviki.
Next in the Great October Series: 1917 The Year of Dybenko Part II
Dreadful economic conditions, continued support of World War I without adequate supply, the lack of land reforms and a feeling of compromising with the rhetoric of the ruling class brought out the public of Petrograd in numerous demonstrations expressing disappointment and frustration with the Provisional Government and its policies. The politicians of the Provisional Government, those who replaced the Tsar, proved inept, cowardly, and self serving. The ministers failed to rise to the historical need of the time. This was the summer of 1917 in Russia...the summer full of challenges that remained unsolved.
The Provisional Government failed to recognize Tsentrobalt as an institution...expected subordination and loyalty...the sailors efforts over the last decade discounted. This lack of consideration toward the fleet would prove unwise as forces i.e. Lenin sought to exploit this flaw...while Lenin and others stoked the flames for demonstrations and protest against the Provisional Government...a separate incident between the fleet and the government brought about by Kerensky would be historically misinterpreted as tacit support for the actions of the Bolsheviki...as documented below; Dybenko and the fleet's resolution in July did call for a change in Goverment: not in support of Lenin or the Bolsheviks but in support of the intellectual soviet not yet dominated by the Bolsheviks.
Demonstrations by residents and workers in protest of the failed actions on part of the Provisional Government are scheduled for Petrograd in early July. Many in the government blame the Bolsheviks for initiating the demonstrations. Kerensky and his advisors fear the navy, it was their understanding the fleet was now unrealiable and may facilitate a disaster out of an already tenuous situation. In reaction to all this, the government decides to meet with Asst. Minister of the Navy Dudorov and have him control the activities of the fleet.
Subsequently, in Helsingfors the members of Tsentrobalt notice the movement of some ships, suspecting something is going on, they all make their way to Headquarters aboard the "Polar Star".
 |
| Tsentrobalt headquarters "Polar Star" |
Tsentrobalt interprets Kerensky and Dudorov having stepped over the line...the Provisional Government had just challenged Tsentrobalt's authority.
Chairman Dybenko calls for an extraordinary session of Tsentrobalt. He reads aloud the two secret orders just received by Admiral Vederevsky and signed by asst. Minister Dudorov. The first called on Admiral Vederevsky to send four destroyers to Petrograd to prevent by force the landing of sailors from the side of Kronshtadt; the second demanded Admiral Vederevsky should not on any pretext allow the departure of ships from Helsingfors to Kronshtadt, and if necessary, with fail sink non-compliant ships with submarines.
On the "Kretchet" Admiral Vederevsky is looking over the telegram.
 |
| Admiral Vederevsky |
Admiral Vederevsky knows that Dybenko and Tsentrobalt have already read the telegram....cautiously, for fear of his well being, he decides to turn over the telegram to Tsentrobalt announcing he did not intend to carry out the orders. Chairman Dybenko and Tsentrobalt agree to pass a resolution calling for the transfer of power from the Provisional Government to the All-Russian Central Executive Committee.
Chairman Dybenko signs the resolution and it is agreed upon to send a delegation of sailors to Petrograd. Calling for the arrest of Asst. Minister Dudorov and to have Tsentrobalts' resolution read to a joint session of the Executive Committtee.
The delegation of sailors from Tsentrobalt consisted of sixty-seven sailors taken to Petrograd aboard the Destroyer "Orpheus"
 |
| Destroyer "Orpheus" |
The "Orpheus" entered the mouth of the Neva and moored shortly thereafter. Trouble raises its head right away as the crew learns they are ordered not to disembark. A telegram is sent to Chairman Dybenko.
The sailors' presence made necessary...according to then Executive Committee spokesman Woitinsky...
 |
| Woitinsky |
to declare that armored cars were available in support and an order was dispatched to certain units (on the front) to make their way to Petrograd in order to defend against any "danger" threatening the revolution.
 |
| Russian Armored Car 1917 |
After receiving the telegram sent from the delegation of sailors on board the "Orpheus" Tsentrobalt decides to send Chairman Dybenko with other elected delegates to Petrograd aboard the Torpedo boat the "Gremyaschiy" in order to resolve any challenges.
 |
| Torpedo boat "Gremyaschiy" |
Most members of the high assembly associate the sailors actions with those of Lenin and his Bolsheviki...the sailors were caught in a whirlwind...and one that was happening above their heads...Executive Committee Members believe the sailors were there in support of the Bolsheviki....even though Tsentrobalts resolution clearly asked that the Executive Committee take control of government and to enact legislation addressing issues the current Provisional Government wouldn't. Again, and it needs repeating...the Executive Committee was not a Bolshevik dominated body nor did the presence of Tsentrobalts sailors in Petrograd on this day in July of 1917 have any correlation with what Lenin and the Bolsheviki were up to.
The smugness of the intellectuals in the Executive Committee served only one purpose...to push Tsentrobalt closer to the Bolsheviki. While Tsentrobalts delegates arrived with the resolution in hand...calling for the change in government and the order for the arrest of Asst. Minister Dudorov; the Executive Committee members responded most unfavorably.
According to the Committee members asst. Minister of the Navy Dudorov was a gallant captain of the first rank and was only fulfilling his sacred duty to the revolution (ironically one that wouldn't have happened if not for the sailors convictions) In a special resolution the members present during the joint session agreed to declare its solidarity for the Minister Dudorov. As for the Provisional Government the same body declared its faith in its confidence of Kerensky and his Ministers. Tsentrobalts delegation which presented the Committee with its resolution looked at one another with startling surprise.
The next day the whole of Tsentrobalts delegation was arrested including their leader Pavel Dybenko. Furthermore, the Provisional Government will call upon Admiral Vederevsky to make his presence in Petrograd to explain matters.
In Helsingfors the sailors' learn of the arrests of Dybenko and the delegates of Tsentrobalt. One organization calling itself the Sailors Section of the Helsingfors Soviet protested the measures taken by the Provisional Government. Unlike Tsentrobalt, the Section was a very outspoken and political body. It defended the newspaper "Priobi" (the voice of revolutionary democracy) which was supportive of the Bolsheviki. The Section also favored Pavel Dybenko calling him a worthy, honest, and steadfast freedom fighter...the spokesman of the whole mass of the Baltic fleet.
Kerensky waste's no time in lashing out against the fleet for actions he saw as harmful and unlawful. He also has the opportunity to set matters straight after having been disrespected aboard the "Viola" less than two months previous. Kerensky appoints Naval investigator Colonel Shubin to oversee an investigation and to present his findings. Kerensky orders Tsentrobalt to be dissolved demanding the sailors drive out from their minds people like Dybenko who called for no obedience to the Provisional Government and anyone else in support of this view. Moreover, Kerensky called upon the sailors of Kronshtadt and on the ships "Petropavlovsk", "Respublika" and "Slava" whose names have been stained by counter revolutionary actions and resolutons to arrest instigators...to send them directly to Petrograd and to immediately declare their subordination to the Provisional Government.
On July 11th, Naval investigator Colonel Shubin presents his findings to a panel of members from the Naval Ministry and other seated members of Government. Colonel Shubin accused Pavel Dybenko, along with other members of Tsentrobalt, of causing the orders of the government to be disobeyed. The insubordination Colonel Shubin declared resulted in blocking the dispatch of four destroyers, of releasing a distorted interpretation of the secret telegram, an of inciting members of Tsentrobalt to agree to the order for the dismissal of Onipko and the arrest of Dudorov.
Moreover, the sailors of Tsentrobalt were accused of provoking a blatant uprising against the Provisional Government by fostering rebellion among the crews on the ships at Helsingfors. Colonel Shubin maintained these treasonous activities guided the fleet in opposing the sending of armed forced to Petrograd at the demand of the Provisional Government.
Dybenko and many of the sailors delegation were remanded to the infamous Kresty Prison.
 |
| Kresty Prison |
Next in the Great October Series: 1917 The Year of Dybenko Part II
No comments:
Post a Comment