The Revolutionary Consciousness of Pavel Dybenko
“I
saw clearly that the autocratic and bureaucratic superstructure rests on the
armed force of the Government, and is able to maintain itself only through the
constant practice of bloody terror, on the part of those steering our ship of
State. And life itself has taught me as
follows: you cannot create anything new without first destroying the old; if
you cannot pierce an idea with a bayonet, neither can you resist the power of
the bayonet with ideas only”.[1]
The following is the tale of Pavel Dybenko whose fate would
be to ascend to the leadership of the force instrumental in creating real
possibility for social change in Russia. We will explore a few of his accomplishments
although most of his labors have been maligned and distorted in libelous
manner. The discredit and dishonor of
Pavel Dybenko coincides with the destruction of the revolutionary force
effectively ending the libertarian gains brought forth by Great October.
Findings also reveal that February 23rd, a yearly
thrashing of Dybenko, was the day Lenin and Trotsky conquered the revolutionary
fleet; the only true force that could oppose and threaten their rule. It is by these shameful actions that resulted
in ‘victory’ for Lenin, seventy years of Soviet Rule under an authoritarian
dictatorship for Russia, and the ‘birth’ of the Red Army, which would from this
date forward in 1918 be under the auspices of Trotsky.
It was no secret to many
in the socialist and libertarian movements that prior to 1917, Lenin advocated
for what many regarded as opportunistic vanguardism; the idea that the radical
intelligentsia were going to exploit popular movements to seize state power and
then to use the state power to persuade the population into the society that
they chose.
Lenin and Trotsky promoted
the idea of total subordination. Trotsky maintained, “What you need is a Labor Army
which is submissive to the control of a single leader. Modern progress and development requires the
mass of the population to subordinate themselves to a single leader in a
disciplined workforce.”[2]
On the other hand it was
no secret to others who the Chairman of Tsentrobalt was in 1917. The political ability demonstrated by Dybenko
in this year will forever live because those who aspire for freedom will never
forget him. Using his natural abilities
of communication to promote an idea and more importantly engage the listener he
impressed friend and foe alike. Many
noted Dybenko’s strength of person; one who also noticed was the aristocrat
Alexsandra Kollontai. She was a close
associate of Lenin, Trotsky, Bukharin, etc. more importantly a lifelong
intellectual who had written extensively on and for the rights and dignities of
women. It was written the two would enjoy a relationship
unmatched in Russian history for its love, passion and desire.
As the leader of
Tsentrobalt, Pavel Dybenko would go on to have an effect on Russian history in
the year 1917. This biographical
sketch brings to light the idea of Great October would be soiled by the
dictatorial designs of Lenin, Trotsky, Stalin, et al in spite of the many who
believed, who thought that 1917 was the beginning of a new dawn.
My account begins, on
February 16th, 1889; Pavel Yefimovitch Dybenko is borne in the
peasant village of Lyudkovo outside the Old Believers founded town of Novozybkov, located
within the jurisdiction of the Chernigov Assembly or Zemstvo. Pavel Dybenko’s parents, peasant farmers
Anna Denisovna, a descendant of the Zelensky Polish Nobles[2a] and Yefim Vasilivitch Dybenko a descendant of the Cossacks...often talked about the historical
plight of the peasants and of course the Old Believers with him.[3]. Furthermore, the Chernigov region is located within the Pale
of the Settlement allowing for Dybenko to experience first hand the troubles of
the Jewish peoples.
The mindset of the Chernigov region, of which Novozybkov lies, is well established a decade before Dybenko was born. Leaders of the various communities discuss progressive assessments at the Chernigov Zemstvo. Speaking to outrages and abuses such as the lack of free speech and the infringed upon rights of a free press the assembly was set abuzz. Other voices denounced the reactionary methods by the Tsars dictatorial government. One man, named I.I. Petrunkevitch rebuked Tolstoy’s suppressive policies. Petrunkevitch also denounced measures that prohibited free speech and ended with the suggestion a resolution be sent to the Tsar stating that as long as such conditions prevailed in the society the Chernigov Zemstvo could not come to the aid of the Government.[4]
In his youth his grandfather Vasil Georgivitch Dybenko came to Novozybkov to live with the family. Vasil was a veteran of the Crimean War...and shared with the young Dybenko stories of great triumph and great tragedy. Young Dybenko was well received by his peers and his education was limited, he attended and graduated from the 3yr gymnasium in Novozybkov. He ran cross country and attained respectful marks.[4a]
The mindset of the Chernigov region, of which Novozybkov lies, is well established a decade before Dybenko was born. Leaders of the various communities discuss progressive assessments at the Chernigov Zemstvo. Speaking to outrages and abuses such as the lack of free speech and the infringed upon rights of a free press the assembly was set abuzz. Other voices denounced the reactionary methods by the Tsars dictatorial government. One man, named I.I. Petrunkevitch rebuked Tolstoy’s suppressive policies. Petrunkevitch also denounced measures that prohibited free speech and ended with the suggestion a resolution be sent to the Tsar stating that as long as such conditions prevailed in the society the Chernigov Zemstvo could not come to the aid of the Government.[4]
In his youth his grandfather Vasil Georgivitch Dybenko came to Novozybkov to live with the family. Vasil was a veteran of the Crimean War...and shared with the young Dybenko stories of great triumph and great tragedy. Young Dybenko was well received by his peers and his education was limited, he attended and graduated from the 3yr gymnasium in Novozybkov. He ran cross country and attained respectful marks.[4a]
It was during this time that young men including Dybenko, doing so at the behest of local underground
activists, distributed progressive literature throughout the Novozbykov
region. Progressive publications such
as the People’s Gazette and the Proletariat that speak to anti-Tsar sympathies.[5] Not to mention the mood of the Lyudkovo residents provides the confidence for Dybenko's mother...Anna Denisovna to openly criticize the authorities for their corrupt practices. Appearing in the News of Novozybkov Executive Committee; she publicly voiced her concerns regarding the shameful and corrupt practices of the local priest.[5a]
A world away and since before 1905 an alarming phenomenon was taking shape among the sailors of the Tsars fleet. The sailors had been organizing. A revolutionary tone permeated throughout the Russian ships. This movement, known to her officers and intellectual’s alike, posed great problems and consternation for the Tsar and his ruling classes. Russia was on the precipice of a new era; the end of the old world was nearing.
Many in Russia believed the sailors’ movement would accomplish the most important part in the approaching struggle for liberty. While others, whose lot were cast in the Old Guard, classified the sailors as rebels and murderers. In the end, the sailors convictions should have ensured them a place in Russian history as men who were heroes willing to sacrifice their lives for their country not as “elements or fanatics”.[6]
The government put out news releases stating problems arising in the fleet could well be attributed to a few bad officers, poor quality of nutrition, and of course the evil influence of the Jews.[6a] The sailors’ opposition to Tsarist Russia and their
aspirations for a representative government was not because of maltreatment and
bad food but by revolutionary agitation that had been carried on for years.[6b]
In 1905, the sailors’ revolutionary tone took on a more actionable mood as the crews of the Tsar’s navy decided to rebel simultaneously on July 5th. Unfortunately a premature uprising on the battleship Kniaz Potemkine placed the whole plan in jeopardy. The government's official version limited the putsch to the Potemkine and one that originated from the displeasure of bad food. However, behind the scenes one sees the Tsars Cossacks place Odessa harbor under siege. Confrontations lead to armed conflict at the garrisons of Sebastopol and Kronshtadt requiring both of these military posts to be placed under siege as well. At night the people of St. Petersburg could see the bright lights that radiated from Cotlin Island.
"The heavens reflected the glare of smoldering fires".[7]
In 1905, the sailors’ revolutionary tone took on a more actionable mood as the crews of the Tsar’s navy decided to rebel simultaneously on July 5th. Unfortunately a premature uprising on the battleship Kniaz Potemkine placed the whole plan in jeopardy. The government's official version limited the putsch to the Potemkine and one that originated from the displeasure of bad food. However, behind the scenes one sees the Tsars Cossacks place Odessa harbor under siege. Confrontations lead to armed conflict at the garrisons of Sebastopol and Kronshtadt requiring both of these military posts to be placed under siege as well. At night the people of St. Petersburg could see the bright lights that radiated from Cotlin Island.
"The heavens reflected the glare of smoldering fires".[7]
Meanwhile, on board the Oriental Express a French reporter,
working for the LeJournal of Paris,
traveled to Roumania and interviewed a number of sailors from the ship Kniaz Potemkine. Most of sailors agreed the incidents that
occurred aboard the Kniaz Potemkine
were regrettable. They say that the treatment the seamen had received from the
Government created general dissatisfaction, and that the men held an
indignation meeting. At the meeting it
was decided by vote they should revolt.
Part of the interview was revealing; demonstrating the
mindset of one sailor and his thoughts of having failed at the planned general
mutiny. Sailor Pogownetz speaks to
mutiny leader Mastutchenko.
“Rabid creature that thou art,” interrupted
Pogownetz, “hast thou forgotten that on July 5th the crews of the
entire fleet were to mutiny. The word
has not yet been given to all. Thou
beganst too soon. We shall not be
followed.”
“What is done is
done. The mistake has been made. We must go on,” replied Mastutchenko, and he
began to intone the “International,” and was followed by the sailors in
unison. Finally the singing ceased.[8]
In the year 1909, Pavel Dybenko moves to Riga, acquires a job as a stevedore and in short time is made aware of and is asked to join an underground activisit group. This group was made up primarily of ex-sailors; veterans of the 1905 urpisings of the Tsar's fleet. The sailors' awareness makes for inteesting discussions as they provide details of the longstanding battle underway with the Tsar's government. Riga turned out to be very vibrand grounds for progressive thought and political theory. Inspired, Dybenko would go on to give his first public speech at a rally already organized to be held down at the docks. The day was bright, the cumulus white...and Pavel Dybenko spoke. His speech was met with him being arrested for the second time do to his anti-Tsar sentiment.
Although, in the lock up for several days Dybenko's continued payment would be both costly and beneficial: for missing work his place in the artel was lost fatefully leading him into Electrical Certification Courses offered up by the government. Certified men are five fold more likely to be conscripted in the Navy rather than the Army. Dybenko remains with the program and finishes the courses earning him a certificate. At the end of 1911, Dybenko is called up for conscription into the Tsar's navy. Dybenko resistes, as a conscientious objector, but is soon swooped up and arrested by the military police and taken to Kronshtadt to begin his induction into his Highness' Navy.
Dybenko recalled the training schools for specialists (electricians, radio operators, etc.) became “classrooms for schooling of revolution”-the new conditional truths of new technology were accompanied by equal qualified revolutionary ‘truths’.[9]
If not for the unpleasant stories told by the ex-sailors at Riga, Dybenko would have
been ill prepared for what was in store for him. Tsar Nicholas II governments’ maltreatment of
peasants such as his family and its discriminatory practices towards the Jewish
people did little to prepare Dybenko for the discourteous welcome he was to
receive at Kronshtadt. He had already
been informed of the demeaning signs equating the sailors to dogs and
prohibiting both accesses to public places.[10] Even the horrific experience of seeing a
sailor’s teeth smashed in by the fist of an inebriated Admiral did little to
disconcert Dybenko as he was well informed that such activity was not uncommon.
In the spring of 1912, Dybenko is assigned and begins his
Naval career on the training vessel the Dvina. Unknown to most, aboard the Dvina
and among the petty officers there is an active revolutionist named Ohota. This man, a veteran of the 1905 uprisings at
Kronshtadt and of the mutiny in 1906 aboard the infamous Azov Memory, is now the leader of the underground activity aboard
the ship. Ohota also knows the
ex-sailors of Dybenko’s former underground activist group at Riga.
It is through this relationship that Dybenko will be tested then accepted into
the underground movement of the sailors.
Pavel Dybenko wrote in his memoirs: The fleet and its political view for a responsible social democracy did
not derive from university trained theoretical knowledge, nor an understanding
for legal opportunisms. Moreover the
sailors may not have had their own printing press or enough of the elite literature
thought necessary for complex thinking.
Nevertheless the sailor’s classroom and their views were crafted by the
many confrontations with Tsarism. The will power expertly expressed by the many
Russian’s whose paths toward a better way for Russia had fashioned the foundation
and righteousness in continuing these disagreements with the authorities.[11]
The next several months would be
spent preparing the fleet and garrisons of the empire for a revolt that would
dwarf any previous attempt at forcing the Tsar into a representative
government. Russian history is not
kind to this little known and less written about sailors’ rebellion of
1912. Dybenko witnesses the preparation
of the uprisings in 1912 and gains knowledge of the extent and plans of this
revolt. The revolt is to start in the
Black Sea and calls for the abduction of Tsar Nicholas II, the Tsarina, and the
royal family on board the imperial yacht Standart
while en route from Yalta to Sebastopol.[12]
It was then up to The Baltic
Fleet to secure Kronshtadt and St.
Petersburg by shelling important towers and defensive
posts. Garrisons at Kronshtadt, Yalta, Sebastopol, and Odessa were to be overtaken thereby forcing a
reorganization of the government into a Constitutional Monarchy. Many army and navy officers were involved as
well as commanders from the various garrisons.[13]
This plan created a good deal of
anxiety for the Tsar causing him to declare,
“The Russian Navy is passing
through a historical period,” and that, “he was pained to have learned the seed
of disorder had sprouted in the navy.”[14]
As for political parties Dybenko wrote the sailors were
creating their own organization a step at a time. Corroboration of the fleet’s independent
political vision can be found in a 1915 Okhrana report. This report focused on
the political activity of the Petrograd Committee of the Russian Social
Democratic Labor Party and concluded that the political circles of the fleet
arose independently and outside of
the influence of the politico’s in Petrograd.[15]
Naval Officers were aware of such activities and recalled
the conditions under which the sailors of the Baltic Fleet acted during this
revolutionary period:
“…from a purely strategically point of view, actions
required great secrecy; therefore for a certain period there was almost no
information about it. Nonetheless, the
part played by the Baltic Fleet during the Revolution was of great
importance. It must not be forgotten that the victory of the Revolutions in February, March and in October of 1917, was due chiefly to the activity, firmness and self-sacrifice of the members of the Baltic Fleet. The
period from 1905 to 1917 represented a solid history of repeated revolts and
rebellions by the determined sailors in their efforts to overthrow the existing
social structure.[16]
P. Malkov, RSDWP member since 1904 recalled, Dybenko’s skill
to work in the midst of the sailors became handy right after the February
revolution, “Tall, with broad shoulders and with sparkles in his eyes he could
easily calm down too agitated sailors. When the sailors
would all come together from different ships for a meeting, all indefatigable, energetic and
loud, it required a lot of skill to keep this crowd under control and to
channel its energy the right way. Just
some good slogans were not enough; they needed somebody with a great sense of
humor, an eloquent speaker, somebody who would have absolute respect and
authority with the sailors”.[17] In April of 1917, the Revolutionary
Sailor Pavel Yefimovitch Dybenko is chosen to head the leadership of the
sailor’s movement and become the Chairman of Tsentrobalt, one of Russia’s most
famous freely elected bodies.
Upon being chosen
Tsentrobalt’s leader, Pavel Dybenko declared;
“The Baltic Navy should be
united so as its voice can be clearly heard by the Government” [18]
N. F. Izmailov remembered it was by Dybenko’s leadership
that Tsentrobalt skillfully brought together many of the revolutionary
ideals. Pavel Dybenko authored its
charter and more importantly re-defined the relationship between the fleet and
government. A person of strong will
power and stamina, he was very capable and very energetic, and his active
position gained him a lot of authority and respect among the sailors. The
sailor’s history that created the need for Tsentrobalt influenced greatly
non-party members of Tsentrobalt in deciding the most crucial naval issues.[19]
Pavel looked to the intellectuals
to tend to the matters of social policy and the administering of
government. Believing they clearly heard
the protestations and would make good on the promise of improving the
conditions in the lives of the Russian people.
In April, amidst fears that the Baltic fleet would not bow to the
authority of the new Government, Pavel insists that the Navy would have full
confidence and provide complete support for the Provisional Government with
Prince L’vov at the helm.[20]
Pavel understood the Provisional Governments program as that of liberating the
people from the bonds that had enchained them and of giving opportunity to
demonstrate all their spiritual forces.
In
May of 1917, during a planned visit to Helsingfors, the Minister of War,
Alexsander Kerensky was set to in his words…
”The object of my journey, said Kerensky, “is
to investigate the condition and capacity for defense of the Baltic fleet”.
“I say that Russia
is now the freest state, the Russian
fleet the freest one”[21]
Tests of wills ensue between Kerensky and Tsentrobalt. The former calling on the sailors to greet
Kerensky aboard the officer’s ship the Krechet
and the latter demanding the legal right of institution whose protocol required
Kerensky to address the sailors aboard the Viola. This first interaction between Kerensky and
Dybenko favored Pavel.[22]
As he was leaving the Viola,
Kerensky is overheard saying to his associates,
“the sailors were nothing but slaves.”
“Yes, we were slaves, and now we have revolted” [23]
“Pavel Dybenko had won fame by throwing Kerensky overboard”[24]
The
two would have other confrontations throughout the year 1917, most notably in
July, again in September and later in October, when a defeated Kerensky is
quoted as declaring The Chairman of Tsentrobalt, not Lenin or Trotsky, yet
Pavel Yefimovitch Dybenko as his enemy.
Dybenko
believed that the enlightened minorities were responsible towards educating the
people; he had faith in intellectualism, in human personality, in critical
thought and idealisms. Pavel’s followers
believed too as a young secretary of Tsentrobalt named Theodore Averitchkin affirmed while escorting two
American journalists to the sailors club in Helsingfors in September of 1917,
“When the people got freedom,
they forgot that they had not learned for three hundred years, and the masses
who didn’t know anything understood freedom in their own way. The people who should educate us sit back and
call us traitors. We are not traitors—it
is bourgeois lying that is spread all over Europe
about us. Tolstoy said that calumny was
like a snowball, gathering snow as it rolls, and becoming bigger and
bigger. Only those who are without honor
can say that we are traitors. They
forget the hundreds of our comrades who are in the grave of the Baltic Sea. There
are not, and there never will be, traitors in the Baltic Fleet. Why don’t the people who talk so much about
traitors come and give us some instruction?
They don’t want to part with their fine automobiles and beautiful
women. We are not asking for palaces and
automobiles. We are asking only that all
shall have a chance to learn and enough to eat.”[25]
Another example of Dybenko’s
faith in the enlightened minorities can be seen in his relationship with the long-standing
political ally of the Bolshevik elite, Alexsandra Kollontai. From 1915
to 1917 (when she joined the Bolshevik Party) she was one of Lenin’s few
faithful advocates, and he wrote to her frequently. Alexsandra had
become a full-fledged member, apparently, of the great triumvirate, no critical
decision being taken without her approval.
Albeit brilliant, some believed it was Alexsandra’s pleasant appearance
and charm, which made easier her ability to negotiate intellectual discourse
within the male dominated political structure.
In May of 1917, Alexsandra arrived in Helsingfors to speak
on behalf of the Petrograd Committee’s position and how it related to the
governments recent decision regarding the Freedom Loan. The Petrograd Committee had already made
contact with Pavel, through its members such as Raskolnikov and
Antonov-Ovseenko. Both wrote
impressively of their meeting with the Chairman of Tsentrobalt and of their
first experiences in Helsingfors.
Alexsandra Kollontai remembered her first meeting with Pavel recalling
that Pavel was a tall and handsome man who had deep facial features with eyes
full of enthusiasm and energy that sparkled on his dark face.[26] Alexsandra’s charge to persuade Pavel and the
fleet against supporting a government’s position resulted in what Nadyezhda Krupshkaya and Innessa Armand
recalled as the moment Alexsandra Kollontai first fell in love with Pavel
Dybenko.[27]
The seventeen-year
age difference between the two stands out when reading up on their
relationship. Additionally, the term meso-alliance has been used to bring to
light the class differences between the two.
Although the former is true, a closer examination reveals the two shared
a remarkable common awareness. One whose
origin can be found in the confidence that conditions in the lives of the
citizens would actually improve.
What is more, the
two enjoyed a remarkable love flamed by a genuine physical attraction. The relationship flourished and caused
Alexsandra, the most ardent of feminist supporters, who against such things as
marriage, to consider putting down her life’s work.[28] It is well written of the physical prowess
nature bestowed upon Dybenko as well as the beauty that was granted
Alexsandra. A beauty magnified as all
her lines were elegant, like her gestures, and no Parisians ever fitted herself
with skirts more clinging than the Kollontai’s.[29] It would not be long before the romance
creates fodder for the press although many will refer to this relationship as
being “the romance of the revolution”.
July of 1917 brought continued discontentment as plans for
even more demonstrations against the government are planned. Not pleased, Kerensky wanted to show the
demon-
strating public the force a government could bring to
bear. Disregarding Tsentrobalt’s legal authority,
Kerensky and Dudorov telegram Admiral Vederevsky in Helsingfors and order the
dispatch of ships to the Neva. Kerensky wanted the fleet to be used as a
fore- warning against any undesirable actions considered by the
demonstrators. Subsequent to the
telegram, Dybenko and Tsentrobalt discuss and then author a resolution calling
for the dismissal of Kerensky, the arrest of Dudorov, and the taking of the
reins of government by the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of the
Soviet of the Workers and Soldiers Deputies.
It is important to note for the record that for the second time in less
than four months Pavel and Tsentrobalt move to place their trust in a political
body the Bolshevik Party did not dominate.[30]
The politicians of the Provisional Government, those who
replaced the Tsar, proved to be powerless, without plan, and self-serving. The ministers failed to rise to the
historical needs of the time.[31] The members of the All-Russian Central
Executive Committee of Soviets of the Workers and Soldiers Deputies are not
prepared to accept such responsibility either and refuse to consider the
resolution presented by Tsentrobalt.
Kerensky triumphs…and the unceremonious reception he experienced in May
will now be corrected. Kerensky arrests
the delegation of sailors who presented the resolution and its leaders
including Pavel for treason. Kerensky goes further, by his own resolution he
orders Tsentrobalt dissolved and its flag lowered from the ship Polar Star. As a final point, Kerensky calls for an oath
of subordination from the sailors and the officers.
Later, in August at the Moscow Conference, conservative
members of the Government call upon the forces of Kornilov to stabilize
the state of affairs.
Kornilov declares, “…it is time to put an end
to all the disorder. Time to hang the
German agents and spies, to chase away the Council of Workers and Soldiers’
Deputies and scatter them far and wide, so that they never are able to come
together again. If I do not come to an
agreement with Kerensky and Savinkoff, I may have to deal the blow to the
Bolsheviks without their consent. I only
wish to Save Russia”.[32]
Current events are happening at rapid pace; as
Kornilov is gathering troops south of Petrograd, the Germans are about to
invade Riga. Kerensky needs to gather
all supporters in defense of his authority.
Negotiations for the release of individuals arrested in connection with
the happenings of July are made. The
leaders in the Naval Ministry promise support for Kerensky and his government
in exchange for the release of Pavel Dybenko, and any other sailor’s detained
due to the July events from Kresty Prison.[33] Upon hearing he would be released, Pavel was
said to have told Raskolnikov that,
“Kerensky was crazy for letting us go free”.[34]
Incredibly it was true, for on September 4th,
Pavel was released from Kresty.
On that same day, the expected assault upon Riga by the German fleet began.
The fleet as promised issues a statement in
support of Kerensky and the Provisional Government. A dispatch received by the British Admiralty
said that a Russian message received in London and
signed by the Russian Prime Minister, stating the entire Baltic Fleet, together
with its staff officers, has unanimously placed itself on the side of the Provisional
Government.[35]
As Kornilov troops entered Petrograd an accumulation of
sailors, soldiers, and Petrograd citizens all
amassed at Mars Field. Thousands of
humans stood ready to engage the fierce armies of Kornilov. Albert Rhys Williams, correspondent of the
New York Post recalled,“…when the news of Kornilov’s advance on Petrograd was flashed to Kronshtadt and the Baltic Fleet,
it aroused the sailors like a thunderbolt.
From their ships and island, citadel they came pouring out in tens of
thousands and bivouacked on the Field of Mars.
They stood guard at all the nerve centers of the city, the railways and
the Winter Palace.
…with the big sailor Dybenko leading, they drove headlong into the midst
of Kornilov’s soldiers exhorting them not to advance”.[36]
On September 15th in Helsingfors, a meeting was
taking place between delegates from different units in Kronshtadt, Revel, and
Helsingfors. Discussions led to the call
for another Congress with the purpose to have the delegates re-elect the
members of Tsentrobalt. In a short two
months the flag of Tsentrobalt would once again be raised under Pavel’s
leadership aboard the Polar Star. A special commission was formed to organize
the Congress and Pavel was selected to lead the commission. Two days later, having heard that Pavel and
the sailors were planning to reorganize Tsentrobalt, Kerensky rebukes the
fleet. He sends a scathing telegram
condemning the actions of the Baltic Fleet.
Kerensky demands the immediate cessation of all excesses committed under
the pretext of safeguarding the revolution.
Kerensky continued by saying the men, by their actions, are
disorganizing the navy by reducing its fighting capacity. Kerensky finishes the telegram with the note
that he awaits news of the complete re-establishment of order.[37]
Kerensky will soon receive his response. On the 25th of September a
meeting of great importance was held.
The Second Congress of delegates to the Baltic Fleet was opened and
Pavel would once again be elected its chairman.
When Pavel was chosen the sailors leader it was not because there were
an increase in Bolshevik membership on the committee, rather, it was because he
was the “traditional original leader of Tsentrobalt”, the understandable
choice.[38]
Many an observer sees Kerensky attempt to encourage the
fleet by declaring,
“If
mutinous sailors can be quelled and discipline and fighting spirit restored,
the Russian fleet could effectually hamper—perhaps prevent—operations by a
German fleet in the Baltic”.[39]
When it became known that the German fleet was seeking to
engage Russia
in battle, the commander of the Baltic Fleet, Admiral Razvozov, came to the
Second Congress of delegates to the Baltic Fleet and asked Pavel if the sailors
would execute the battle orders of the Commanding Personnel. Pavel informed him that the battle orders
under the control of the conference Commissar would be executed, but that the
orders of the Government would not be obeyed, whereby the Commander of the
Fleet was warned, that if he did not execute any order of the Commissar of the
council, he would be the first to hang on the first mast available. If attacked by the powerful German fleet, our
warships will be doomed in an unequal struggle.
Not one ship will refuse to fight, not one sailor will desert his
ship. Our much-abused Fleet will do its
duty toward the great Revolution. We
consider it our duty to defend Petrograd. We will fulfill our self-imposed obligation.[40]
The Second Congress of delegates to the Baltic Fleet also
demanded the resignation of Kerensky.
To thee, Kerensky, who has betrayed
the revolution, we send curses. At the
moment when our comrades, stricken down by shells and bullets, and drowning in
the Gulf of Riga, are calling us to the defense of the revolution; at this
moment when we all, as one man, are ready to lay down our lives for freedom,
ready to die in open fight on the sea and with the external foe and on the
barricades with the internal enemy, we are sending to thee, Kerensky and to thy
friends, curses for thy appeals, by which thou art endeavoring to disintegrate
the forces of the fleet in this fearful hour for the country and the
revolution.[41]
Three days later on the 29th, news correspondents
reported, the Second Congress of the delegates to the Baltic Fleet and its resolutions
drew the attention of the Russian Naval Military Officials who were
acknowledging serious disorder among the sailors of the Baltic Fleet. The official word of the government reported
it had just crushed in its incipiency new seditious and mutinous agitations
among the ranks of the Baltic Fleet. Tsentrobalt had, according to reports from
the government, sent a series of preposterous demands.[42]
Minister of Marine Verdervsky promptly sent back word that
the provisional government could not consider for a moment granting the
committee’s demand. He declared that the
government would combat with all its power the slightest attempt at sowing new
distrust among the sailors. He decreed
the dismal of Tsentrobalt and new elections.
Any agitation in the Baltic fleet against the commanders will be
regarded as treason, the minister asserted.[43]
In reply, Pavel
sends a telegram to Admiral Verderevsky encouraging him to submit only truthful
information to the newspapers.[44] Pavel recalled, “From the second half of
September, the provisional government became a piece of pure fiction in the
fleet as well as in Finland:
its threats produced only laughter and answering telegrams in which the refusal
to comply with Kerensky’s orders was couched in very disrespectful terms.”[45]
Of course Pavel’s telegram wasn’t going to stop the
government. More misinformation makes
its way to the newspapers, one read;
‘The demoralization of the fleet has
progressed simultaneously with the demoralization of the army, and the results
have been visible for weeks. The murder
of officers, the open defiance of naval orders, and the orders to the
government by Tsentrobalt, are some of the outward indication of the
destructive effects happening now in the Baltic Fleet.
Pavel and
Tsentrobalt thought differently, in a dispatch to Petrograd:
“Reports that the fleet is not
ready to meet the enemy are untrue,” said Cap. M. Ivanoff, “The fleet is full
of fighting ardor and is ready to repel the enemy. Stories of evil influence exerted by the sailors’
committee are greatly exaggerated. The
near future will show how honorably the fleet will fulfill its duty to the
country.”[46]
In regard to the outside enemy Germany,
Pavel declared, “we consider it our duty to defend Petrograd. We will fulfill our self-imposed
obligation. Not because of the request
of a pitiful Russian Bonaparte (Kerensky) who retains power simply because of
the unlimited patience of the Russian Revolution. Nor because of the treaties made by our
government with the Allies, treaties intended to smother the Russian
Revolution. We follow the call of our
revolutionary sentiment.[47]
Count Kapnist recalled the battle by sharing, “The Germans
effected landing operations of Oesel
Island with 12
transports, escorted by 12 battleships of all types, five cruisers, and
enormous number of auxiliaries, and 30 destroyers. It was impossible for our entire Baltic Fleet
to meet the enemy without abandoning responsibility for the protection of the Gulf of Finland.”
According to the Count’s statement, “the fleet, despite the numerical
superiority of the enemy, has been displaying great heroism. Admiral Bakhireff, who commanded the Russian
naval squadron in the battle, testified to the gallantry of the crew who took
part in the engagement.
Minister of the Navy Verderevsky mentioned he considered the
action of the Russian forces in going out to meet the German fleet; one of
great valor, for each German dreadnought of the Koenig type was much more
powerful than the entire Russian squadron.
Even the Russian Admiralty issued several statements that said in
effect, the sailors had more than given good account of themselves and had
fought with honor and bravery.[48]
Pavel Dybenko provided an explanation for why the Baltic
sailors should have shown such close cooperation with their officers during the
battle of Moon Sound. The control over
operational matters was firmly in the hands of the sailors themselves. This had been agreed, and the Moon Sound
operations had been extremely successful, because the losses on the German side
had been much greater than those suffered by the Russians.[49]
Kerensky sees’ it differently, he blamed the Baltic Fleet
and stated that if it wasn’t for lack of discipline the sailors might have
prevented the Germans from seizing the isles.
Times naval correspondent quoted Kerensky as saying:
“It is clear that the failure of
the entire Russian Baltic Fleet to put in an appearance when the strength of
the German force under Vice-Admiral Schmidt became known at Petrograd was the
primary cause of the loss of the islands in the Gulf of Riga. A couple of old battleships with the
assistance of a flotilla of destroyers and gunboats could not be expected even
with the display of the most stubborn courage to withstand the formidable
squadrons by which they were opposed”.
Kerensky
continued with his negative analysis.
“That this little division of the
Russian fleet sacrificed itself in an attempt to delay the victory of the enemy
is a high tribute to its gallantry and patriotism.
“That is was not reinforced from the fleet in the Gulf of
Finland with ships which should be capable of more effective resistance and the
possibility of defeating the enemy’s object, was due, it must be supposed, to
the loss of discipline brought about by the revolution.”[50]
Tsentrobalt’s resolutions from its Second Congress were not
far from Kerensky’s mind.
In order to tone down all the attention the fleet was
receiving he put forth the opinion that although the sailors were to be honored
for valor and bravery,
“The sailors actions were bolstered
by their need to redeem themselves from the unenviable notoriety they had
earned in the disorders of July.”[51]
Indeed, the
sailors had fought with valor and bravery but as Dybenko emphasized,
“The sailors fought not because
they wanted to expiate their guilt before the Government, as Kerensky seemed to
imagine, but because they were defending the Revolution and all it stood for
with all their might.”[52]
On the eve of the October events, Pavel Dybenko became known
as the soul of the Baltic fleet. If the
speakers from the other parties knew that Pavel was to make a speech at the
same meeting they would refuse to talk and try to cancel the meeting
altogether. That is why Dybenko
preferred to show up without warning and he was known to start talking before
he reached the stand. Pavel Dybenko was
eloquent and could make people not only listen to him but agree with him as
well.[53]
The Congress of Soviets of the Northern Region
was held at Petrograd in early
October. Alexander Rabinowitch believes
the Congress was for the most part a thundering, highly visible expression of
ultra radical sentiment.[54] Others
might say the Congress was a more polished and better-delivered presentation of
“All Power to the Soviets”: the message the sailors and Pavel tried to
communicate in July. There were
similarities, in both circumstances: Kerensky was called upon to resign, the
request for the control of government transfer into the responsible hands of the
All Russian Executive Committee of Soviets of Workers and Soldiers Deputies,
with assurance the fleet would safeguard the move. This time the memory of the
dark day in August when Kornilov had one whole division blown to pieces by
their own artillery may have contributed toward a stronger desire for peace.[55] Kerensky and his associates called for the
continuation of war, the extreme supporters of the old guard still held weapons
of war, yet the popular sentiment was against the war and for a peace. The reproach that the Provisional Government
could neither wage war nor conclude peace was a phrase, which Trotsky pled to
his audience. For the implication was
that he, Trotsky and the soviets, were capable of both waging war and
concluding peace. The tactic Trotsky was
adopting was to tap into the two popular sentiments current at the time; one
was the desire to bring the war to an end, and the other was the impulse to
defend the country from German attack, which the Baltic fleet had recently
done. With that Trotsky introduced Pavel
Dybenko as the next speaker. Dybenko assures the delegates that the fleet would
safe guard the revolution and he addressed the Congress with the following….
“…The Russian Fleet has always stood in the front lines of
the Revolution. The names of its sailors
are written in the book of the history of the struggle against Tsarism. In the earliest days of the Revolution the
sailors marched in the front ranks, our ultimate aim being deliverance from all
misery. And this life and death struggle
with our own oppressors gives us the right to appeal to you, proletarians of
all countries, with a strong voice against the exploiters. Break the chains, you who are oppressed! Rise in revolt! We have nothing to lose but our chains! We believe in the victory of the Revolution,
we are full of this belief. We know that
our comrades in the Revolution will fulfill their duty on the barricades to the
bitter end. We know that decisive
moments are coming. A gigantic struggle
will set the world afire. On the horizon
the fires of the revolt of all oppressed peoples are already glowing and
becoming stronger”.[56]
Dybenko went on,
“We demand from the Soviet of
Soldiers, Workmen and Peasant Deputies and the Tsentroflot the immediate
removal from the ranks of the Provisional Government of the
“Socialist,”--political adventurer Kerensky, as one who is scandalizing and
ruining the Great Revolution, and with it the great revolutionary people, by
his shameful political blackmail in behalf of the bourgeoisie”.
Pavel Dybenko, The Chairman of Tsentrobalt then announced
that the fleet does not recognize the Provisional Government; that the latter
has been informed that it should not clog the telegraph with its orders, as the
latter will all the same not be executed.
Finally, Dybenko ended with
a confident, “the crews of the fleet were ready to both repel the invader and
determine the form of government in Petrograd.”[57]
As Alexsandra Kollontai left the meeting she recalled her
mood as being
“Solemnly serious, almost reverent,
as if you feel a spiritual foreknowledge of knowing you stand on the threshold
of a great hour. The end of the old
world was near.”[58]
Radio stations at Kronshtadt and the one on the battle ship Aurora
were the first radio stations that established a direct line with Helsingfors. Pavel Dybenko sends a short message to
Belushev, chairman of the ship’s committee of the Aurora. The message has been described as, ‘a
precursor of things to come.’ The
message simply stated that the Aurora has to
conduct training shooting on October 25th.
In Petrograd and as a
result of Pavel’s communiqué, Lt. Ericksson wrote to the Commander of the
Baltic Fleet, Admiral Razvozov on October 23rd.
Lt. Ericksson’s message stated:
“URGENT, This afternoon the head of the ship
committee of Aurora has received the order from
Tsentrobalt,
“From now on, do not leave Petrograd without Tsentrobalts order”
The head of the ship committee has tried to insist to
Dybenko on the necessity of the battleship leave in order to test the
machines. The test is planned for
Wednesday and the ship will have to leave no latter than tomorrow for it to
make its commitment at Kronshtadt.
However, Pavel Dybenko insists the Aurora
remain in Petrograd on October 25th
–26th. The head of the ship
committee didn’t dare disobey Tsentrobalt’s order and informed me about the
situation. Admiral Vederevsky is
informed about the situation.”[59]
In the pre-dawn hours of October 24th, two
Helsingfors torpedo boats came into the Neva Riva. The torpedo boats had been sent by Tsentrobalt
to support the insurrection. Smolny—for
the time being—hadn’t called them.
Tsentrobalt had sent them under the pretext of ‘greeting the Congress’.[60]
Later at about four in the afternoon the Helsingfors members of Tsentrobalt
have gathered aboard the yacht “Polar
Star”. All present were informed by
the radio about the current situation in Petrograd. The united meeting of Tsentrobalt and the
Helsingfors Soviet continued the preparation of revolt. After reading out telegrams from Revel,
Kronshtadt, and Petrograd, Pavel declared
triumphantly that Tsentrobalt has decided to fully support the fight for power
and to place trust in the Soviets.
The resolution would read,
“To support the proletariat of Petrograd with armed force.”
Dybenko ends his
speech with; “The time has come to show how to die for the revolution!
For it is better
to die for freedom and dignity than to live without either.” [61]
Dybenko, determined and
stoic, leaves the meeting and knocks politely on the door of the office of the fleet
commander. Captain I. I. Rengarten, Admiral
Razvozov’s Chief Intelligence Officer recalled, “While I was still talking,
Dybenko came into the room. He is a tall
robust man, with a luxuriant growth of hair, a black beard, and a pleasant looking
face; he was dressed in a gray jacket and held in his hand a soft, broad
brimmed hat; he bore himself modestly and politely, but with perfect self
confidence.”[62]
Dybenko went on to tell
the Admiral,
“The crews of Tsentrobalt
have decided to help the Soviets. We
will be sending battleships and mine crews out to Petrograd. They will support the armed forces from
Kronshtadt. We now control radio
broadcasting and are in constant communication with the executive committees of
both Kronshtadt and Revel. I thought it
was important I told you and you know of it yourself.”
Pavel then put a neatly
folded piece of paper on the desk in front of the admiral.
‘This is
the calling of Tsentrobalt that has been accepted now. Tomorrow it will be in the papers. Soon you will receive the official orders of
Tsentrobalt.’
Dybenko left and Admiral Razvozov continued to look over the
letter Pavel had placed before him, “The Baltic fleet won’t shake in fear in
the face of any reaction forces or revolution enemies…[63]
Meanwhile Lenin shows
his impatience. He called Sheinman, the
chairman of the Helsingfors Soviet of Soldiers, Sailors, and Workers Deputies.
Lenin: Are you authorized to speak in
the name of the regional committee of the army and the fleet?
Sheinman: Yes, I am.
Lenin: Can you send at once to Petrograd a great number of torpedo vessels and other
armed vessels?
Sheinman: We’ll get Dybenko, chairman of
Tsentrobalt on the wire directly, since this is a naval question. What’s the news in Petrograd?
Lenin: The news is that Kerensky’s
forces are approaching and have taken Gatchina, and as some of the Petrograd troops are exhausted we are in urgent need of
strong reinforcements.
Sheinman: What else is new?
Lenin: Instead of your question “What
else is news?” I expected you to say you were ready to come and fight.
Sheinman: It seems useless to me to repeat
that. We have made our decision, and
consequently everything will be done.
Sheinman’s interaction with Lenin illustrates how
independent the fleet was, how Pavel’s authority was thought to be absolute,
and finally how determined the fleet took its decisions.
Izmailov, Deputy Chairman of Tsentrobalt affirmed this in
conversation with Lenin. Lenin attempted
to direct the Navy by calling for “battleships to enter the Ships Canal!” Izmailov had to explain to Lenin that
battleships are large vessels and cannot safely anchor in the Canal, he
continues educating Lenin on the abilities of the ships then with assurance
recommends; “in short let the sailors and their command handle this.”[64]
Dybenko recalled the loadings of the trains were going
without any delays; echelons were following each other every hour and a half,
one after the other. The orchestras were
playing the “Marseilles”
and in the background you could hear the loud and cheerful hooray’s of the
departing echelons. At 8 in the morning Dybenko
sends off the last echelon and hurries back to the main office of Tsentrobalt. He boards the Polar Star and while standing on the deck he could see the straight
line of battle mine ships as they were passing solemnly by. There were red banners on their masts
proclaiming: “All Power to the Soviets!”
The crews aboard the leaving battle ships were lined up on their
decks. The musical orchestras and the
thunderous Hooray’s were following those leaving for the fight in Petrograd.
On board the “Polar Star” (the offices of the Tsentrobalt)
there stood Admiral Razvozov, Dybenko asked him; “So, what about now? Do you
believe now?”
Admiral Razvozov replied, “Yes. This is a miracle. Impossible
things are happening. With such a passion and persistence you are bound to
succeed.”[65]
Dybenko and Tsentrobalt declare to the fleet far and wide:
“Tsentrobalt
declares to the Fleet:”
On October 25th the power passed over into the hands of the
Soviets. The Provisional government is
arrested. Kerensky fled. You have to take up all the possible measures
to detain him and send him back to the revolutionary committee of Petrograd. All the
fleet detachments have to stay alert protecting their battle positions.
All the orders of Tsentrobalt are to be fulfilled exactly
and without delays. Stay calm and
remember that Tsentrobalt safeguards the Revolution.[66]
Kerensky was issuing orders and proclamations for support
calling on all units of the Petrograd Military District, which, from lack of
understanding, have adhered to a band of traitors to the motherland and the
Revolution, to return to the fulfillment of their duty without delaying one
hour
Major General Krasnov made an appeal to the Cossacks the very
same day.
Immediately send your delegates to me, so that I may know
who is a traitor to freedom and the motherland and who is not, and so as not to
shed accidentally innocent blood.[67]
Dybenko would not allow for Krasnov and Kerensky’s pleas to
go unanswered.
“To everyone and all!”
Tsentrobalt is calling to all who treasures achievements of
freedom and revolution.
The whole Baltic Fleet absolutely trusts the newly organized
Soviet authorities and obeys it without any questions; we see this power as the
only legitimate power.
Long live the People’s Government of Workers, Peasants,
Soldiers, and Sailors![68]
Antonov-Ovseenko informs Pavel of Lenin’s displeasure
concerning the number of troops dispatched to Petrograd
and of his demands for more. Pavel replied,
“Of course we will come to Petrograd if we knew Petrograd couldn’t cope with 500k workers, 150k troops in
its garrisons, and Kronshtadt in the bargain?
Pavel agrees to send 5k more sailors and the crews of 4 mine sweepers.[69]
The first battles were in Tsarskoe Selo and the Pulkovo Heights.
The Cossack regiments were to attack the sailors and Red Guard and run
them out of Pulkovo heights. Hundreds
under Pavel’s command died defending the revolution in Tsarskoe Selo only a few
miles from the capital. Among those who
gave their lives was Vera Slutskaya, killed by a shell as she tried to get
medical supplies across enemy lines.
Alexsandra recalled this day vividly as she remembered arriving at
Smolny. She was surprised to find Lenin,
Trotsky, and others all huddled in a room with newspapers covering the
windows.
General Krasnov’s account shows that the sailors were an
important stiffening force. When the
Cossacks charged near Pulkovo, whole crowds of black figures ran off in
disorder. But they were the Red
Guards. The sailors staunchly remained
in their places. This unsuccessful
attack, noted the general, was very disadvantageous to us from the point of
view of morale. It showed the
steadfastness of the sailors. And the
sailors were numerically ten times greater than us. How was it possible to fight under such
conditions? Krasnov added, “The sailors
went over to the offensive. With great
skill they began to mass on both flanks, I ordered a withdrawal.”[70]
Informed of the taking of the Winter Palace
and the first battles, the Revel fleet radio station broadcast a new
Tsentrobalt telegram
“Comrades! We, the Central Committee of the Baltic Fleet
declare to everybody that we safe guard the achievements of the revolution and
rights of the oppressed class and that any attack on the people’s recently
achieved power would be defeated by all the might of the Baltic Fleet.”[71]
Over at Tsarskoe Selo, at field headquarters, Pavel was just
coming out, giving rapid orders right and left.
An automobile stood with racing engine at the curb. Alone, Pavel climbed into the rear seat, and
was off, off to Gatchina to conquer Kerensky.
…Dybenko and his companion sailor Tushin took off on foot
well into the late hours and after midnight find the approach to the Gatchina Palace.
This trip at the late hour was dangerous yet important at the same
time. Dybenko and Tushin walked along the
road to the palace with a white cloth tied to a stick. The two had come to offer a truce.
The Cossacks send an envoy out to meet Dybenko and to
conduct negotiations. An officer and two Cossacks invite Pavel to speak before
the Cossacks and to explain to them what Soviet power was about. Pavel and the sailor Tushin agree to meet
with them. The Cossack guards take Pavel
to the barrack where the Cossacks are resting.
Pavel asks if Kerensky is there and suggests guarding him in case he
decides to flee. Pavel then speaks
before the Cossacks for several hours about the betrayal of the Provisional
Government and shares with them about the new people’s power represented by the
Soviet of Workers, Soldiers, and Sailors.
Pavel tries to convince the Cossacks that they are the same working
people as the workers or sailors and that the new power will express their
interests rather then the interests of rich capitalists.[72]
According to the memoirs of General Woytinsky:
“Ten
Cossack representatives sat on one side of a long table facing the two
sailors. One of the latter was a big,
strikingly handsome man with broad shoulders, a tanned face, pitch-black beard
with bright arrogant eyes. This was the
notorious Pavel Dybenko the ringleader of the Baltic Fleet.”[73]
The result of the treaty negotiations
established 11 points of agreement which historians have viewed as being rather
favorable to the Cossacks. Interesting
enough, one of the points called for Lenin and Trotsky to withdraw from the
government and abstain from any public activity until they have cleared
themselves of the charge of having worked for the enemy. It was now time to arrest Alexander Kerensky.
The cloak was too small and persisted
in falling back on his neck. The
deceptive attire appears ludicrous and dangerous. But there is nothing to be done. Kerensky only had a few minutes. General Semenov was worried, “What if
Kerensky wouldn’t get by the sentry or worse yet what if he were to be
recognized?” The sentry distracted by a
fainting wounded soldier allowed Kerensky to scurry through the gate to an
awaiting car and away from accountability.[74]
Back at the palace, General Krasnov
orders the sentries to retire and the troops to assemble in the garden, there
he reads the whole accord aloud and states the agreement was premised on the
understanding that a coalition socialist government was to be formed, based on
the agreement being worked out by the Railway Workers’ Union and finally with
sadness in his heart, General Krasnov declared:
“Now
my job is to take you home. We have done
all we could. Not ours is the shame for
what is going to happen in Russia.”
The Kerensky Mutiny is considered
liquidated. The revolution has won. Honor of arresting Kerensky belongs to the
Minister of the Navy Pavel Dybenko.
The Petrograd Soviet sent a
special message of thanks to the Baltic fleet, ending with the words;
“Glory to the sailors who have
selflessly spilt their precious blood for the happiness of the people and for
socialism!”[75]
Over at Smolny, the celebration
was short-lived as an account taken from Wildman’s The End of the Russian Imperial Army, demonstrates Lenin as being
furious about Dybenko’s actions and calling for his court-martial. Nikolai Podvoisky, agreeing with Lenin,
confirmed in his memoirs that he too wanted Pavel Dybenko court-martialed.[76] Dybenko would be court martial-ed, but not
yet, now was not the time.
Dybenko’s influence and importance
brought him to the forefront of the revolution in the hearts and minds of all
familiar with the happenings. The
writers of the time…youthful hero of the Aurora…heavily
determined the outcome of the revolution…plays a decisive role. The handsome Pavel Dybenko with the beautiful
Alexsandra Kollontai on his side fashioned a romantic addition to the already
successful accomplishment of the sailors.[77]
There were banners displayed of Pavel and Alexsandra
greeting the revolution while standing at the helm of the Aurora with several sailors standing behind
them.
Dybenko went on to turn his attention
to the morale of his troops. The problem
was particularly serious with the cellars at the Winter Palace. A number of soldiers had raided the wine
cellars of the Winter
Palace and had
distributed the contents among their fellow soldiers.
The Preobrazhensky Regiment, which
had been put in charge of guarding them, got drunk and became quite
useless. The Pavlovsky Regiment, our
sure revolutionary shield, went the same way.
Teams of soldiers were sent, picked from various regiments: they too got
drunk, large numbers of whom had been roving around the streets after the
revolution in a ferociously drunken state.
The crowd had to be dispersed by armored cars, whose crews were soon
reeling too. By nightfall it had become
a wild orgy.
“Let’s drink up the Romanov’s
leftovers,’ the all said gaily in the crowd.[78]
Order was restored in the end by the
sailors fresh from Helsingfors, and upon Pavel’s word, the Helsingfors sailors
seized the wine barrels and hacked them open so that for several days the
gutters of Petrograd ran red with the wine of
the Tsar. —thus earning him the undying
gratitude of the government for the swift measures he took to ensure a sober
October.
Louise Bryant, author and girlfriend
of John Reed noted,
“They
were the true moralists, the sailors, for they cleaned first their own house
before they went about sweeping the dirt of others. In Kronshtadt the sailors posted notices
forbidding all drunkenness, and thieves were to be punished…[79]
The relationship with Alexsandra
was now able to flourish. Alexsandra was
proud of Pavel and his accomplishment.
Alexandra’s friends were less than enthused about her infatuation with Dybenko. Discussion of marriage came up but Zoia and
Misha, resenting the new rival for her affection urged Alexsandra to remain
single, “Will you really put down our flag of freedom for Pavel’s sake?” Zoia
asked, “You, who all your life have been fighting against the slavery that
married life brings and that always comes into conflict with our work and
achievements.” Misha added, “You must
remain Kollontai and nothing else.”[80]
Kollontai wrote in her dairy,“ … Our meetings are always joy
over the edge and our partings are always full of torment, emotions that tear
the heart… this power of feelings, ability to feel in full, powerfully
attracted me strongly towards Pavel..”
Alexsandra continues to admire the young sailor, without knowing about
their future together. Alexsandra has
been strong-willed since she was a child; she always got what she wanted. When asked by a journalist how she could
involve herself with Pavel Dybenko, a man seventeen years her junior, she
replied as if she was defending herself
Maybe she was always ready for
that question, she was a very smart women, her answer was praise worthy and
became well known. That’s how the “We
are young as long as we are loved” aphorism appeared.[81]
Another aspect to this great love was how Alexsandra defined what it meant to
be with someone… “There is nothing in life more beautiful than to be oneself
with another person, to take no account of the conventions, to believe that the
other will always understand. Alexsandra
was indeed impressive. Wherever she went
her beauty caused the best of men to take notice. An example of her ability to
electrify came in the memoirs of French Officer Lt. Jacques Sadoul when he
described his meetings with Alexsandra Kollontai in Nov. of 1917.
“The People’s Commissar of Public Welfare
had an elegant tight dress of black velvet on, it was sitting fine on the
well-proportioned long and flexible, free in its movements body. The right shape of the face, thin features,
hair is soft and fluffy. Her eyes were
blue, deep and calm. It is amazing to
think about the beauty of a Minister that’s why I remembered this feeling that
I never felt before at any other Ministry meeting.”[82]
During the last session of the Naval
Congress called in November, the delegates were honoring men who had performed
heroically during October by awarding these brave men new ranks. The question of recognizing the service of
Pavel Dybenko in the fight for the attainment of Soviet Power was put
forth. The delegates decide to honor
Pavel by awarding him the highest Naval military rank available, an Admiral.[83]
“Comrades,” said Pavel, “I want to
thank you for all the attention and allow me to make a suggestion, I began this
fight in the rank of a conscript sailor and I have already been promoted to the
rank of free citizen of the Soviet
Republic, which for me is
the highest rank ever. Allow me to
continue my service in this rank.”[84]
The Congress exploded with applauds
and loud Hooray’s. The sailors’ were in
awe of Pavel’s act of humility. The
ovation lasted for a very long time.
“Pavel
Dybenko was exceptionally charming,’ a former soldier of the 3rd
Kronshtadt regiment recalled, “Even now I can still picture him standing in
front of me. A well built tall sailor,
about twenty-eight years old, with lively black eyes and a small beard. I can still see his contagious smile.”[85]
“The Congress’, Lenin said, “has to
pass some serious resolutions dealing with raising the level of discipline,
appointing commissars to every ship, dismissing the elective system of
commanding staff and other restrictive measures.”
Lenin contradicted these
understandings of an unorganized and in disarray Navy when he spoke to the
sailors and acknowledged;
“The
fact the Navy was operating independently and had created a new order”
Furthermore, when speaking to the
creation of government, Lenin stated:
“But
the art of practical government, which has been monopolized by the bourgeoisie,
must be mastered. In this respect the
Navy has shown itself to be well to the fore, offering a brilliant example of
the creative capacity latent in the working masses.”
Lenin finishes his speech at the
Congress and charges the sailors to support the revolution and Soviet Power.[86]
Over at Smolny, Alexsandra was
drafting what would become her greatest achievement as Minister of Public
Welfare. Her final work would be
presented as the First Civil Law of the New Government. This new law deemed the “Marriage Law” was an
instinctive response to the many struggles by generations of Russian
women. It would be through Alexsandra’s
disclosures that Russian women would have the right to initiate divorce and
receive alimony. Russian women would no
longer have to endure the painful existence of an abusive husband. Furthermore, the law decreed any man of
eighteen and any women of sixteen could marry through not just the church but
also had the choice to register through the Department of Marriage, to have a
civil ceremony. In an addition to the
original draft, Alexsandra noted couples would enjoy the right to choose what
surname to use after marriage. As
Alexsandra was formulating her ideas on this agreement, of how society would
view relationships, she would often drift off to a place of her own
desires. It was incredible she thought
that during her whole life she had been advocating for women’s rights. Yet, Pavel created an inner conflict that she
was having difficulty reconciling.[87]
Alexsandra wrote in her diary her
feelings of confusion:
“Is
it really true?! All my life I have
maintained free love, free from wanting, from grudging, from shame. And now, here comes a time, when I cut across
all around the same feelings, against which I have always rebelled. At this moment I am not able, not in a
position to, cope with these feelings.”
Alexsandra saw Pavel as a person who was passionately in love with the
revolution. He was a romantic for all
that the revolution stood for. For
freedom, dignity, and all the opportunities that lie ahead.
“It
was his romanticisms that I love so much about him and that attracted me so
towards him.”
A party was planned in Petrograd for New Years Eve of 1917-18. Alexsandra was elated to hear her friends
from Stockholm,
socialists Carl Lindhagen and Zeth Hoglund, were planning on attending. In addition, her friend Norwegian socialist
Adam Egede-Nissen was said to be on the way.
According to Zeth Hoglund, Alexsandra and Pavel confirmed their love at
the party and announced their intentions of marriage. They had already registered for a civil marriage
in the middle of December. “The record
of my marriage with Pavel Dybenko,” proudly declared Alexsandra, “is the first
entry in the new Book of Records of Civil State Acts in the Soviet country.”[88]
By his own admission Pavel would say
he had only given in once in his life and that was when the beautiful
aristocratic, Mme. Alexsandra Kollontai dragged him into her bed.
“I was sacked,” he would laugh.[89] Dybenko and Kollontai had great hope that the
Russian experience would lead to an idealistic society. They believed the window of opportunity had
come and there was nothing that couldn’t be achieved. The year of 1917 seemed like a great period
of freedom, liberation, and hope.
The New Year would bring about the
long awaited Constituent Assembly in Petrograd. The Constituent Assembly delegates were
elected on lists made up in September.
By January the country had swung and from every source of information
available, the people demanded; all power to the soviets. In many eyes, the elections were held for the
supreme organ of the kind of government, which was out of existence. It is true the majority of the delegates to
the constituent assembly belonged to the Socialist Revolutionist party. Yet, prior to the elections the SR party
split and shortly after Great October, a good majority had joined the left
wing; had elected Marie Spirodonova president and had gone over to the soviets.[90] To accept the leadership of the Right
Socialist Revolutionists would be to take a step back from the accomplishments
of October. This was the party of
Kerensky, Chernov, and others who refused to discuss the proposals of the
Central Executive Committee of the Soviets, failed to recognize the Declaration
of Rights of the Working and Exploited People, but most importantly failed to
recognize October and Soviet power. The dissolution of the assembly was
inevitable. Dybenko understood the
Assembly was dispersed not on the day of it’s opening, but on October 25th,
the sailor Zheleznyakov just executed the order of the October Revolution.
A series of events unfold as Pavel finds himself on the
opposing side of Lenin’s designs.
Pavel had just authored a little known document called the Democritization of the Fleet in January
of 1918. The contents of this draft not
only speaks to freedoms of assembly and speech but also addresses the need for
the governing body of the fleet, the Central Committee of the Sea, to maintain
its independence and self-rule.
“All
sailors of the Navy have the right to be members of any political, national,
religious, economic, or professional organization, society or union. They have the right, freely and openly, to
express and profess by word or mouth, in writing or in print, their political,
religious, and other views”[91]
Displeased, and in reaction to this document, Lenin puts
forth a Draft Decision for the Council of Peoples Commissars on The Order of
Subordination of the Baltic and Black Sea Fleets. Lenin writes: Considering the wording of the
note to *51 (The Democritization of the Fleet) to be inexact or based on a
misunderstanding, since the text, if taken literally, implies a refusal to
recognize the supremacy of the Soviet state authority, the Council of Peoples
Commissars asks the Navy's legislative organ to revise the wording of this
note.[92]
Lenin still upset communicates in a statement to The Soviet
of the People's Commissars:
I request that Peoples' Commissar Dybenko sends his deputy for the meeting of the Smaller Soviet of the Peoples' Commissars that will take place at the Smolny Palace at the Red Hall on January 18th at 6pm or in case he will fail to do so paragraph 8920 can be taken off the meeting's agenda.
(8920 dealt with granting a special credit of 250,000 rubles for the sailor' educational needs and solicitation of the Supreme Naval Board to allow credits for the Naval Ministry).[93]
I request that Peoples' Commissar Dybenko sends his deputy for the meeting of the Smaller Soviet of the Peoples' Commissars that will take place at the Smolny Palace at the Red Hall on January 18th at 6pm or in case he will fail to do so paragraph 8920 can be taken off the meeting's agenda.
(8920 dealt with granting a special credit of 250,000 rubles for the sailor' educational needs and solicitation of the Supreme Naval Board to allow credits for the Naval Ministry).[93]
News hit the papers that revealed two members of the
Provisional Government, F.F. Kokoshkin and A. I. Shingarev: who had been cast
into the dark, damp, and cold cells of the Peter and Paul Fortress were taken
from the notorious ‘Tubestskoy Bastion’ to the Marie Hospital
on the evening of January 18th.
That night Red Guards and sailors forced their way into the hospital and
brutally murdered them both.
It is true that Izvestia condemned the crime, saying:
“Apart from
everything else it is bad from a political view. This is a fearful blow aimed at the
Revolution, at the Soviet authorities. Such crimes are capable of undermining
the faith of the masses in the Revolution, and the Revolution lives and rests
only on the sympathies and faith of the masses”[94]
Pavel Dybenko, Naval Commissar published a remarkable order
saying:
“This affair must be thoroughly
investigated. The honor of the
Revolutionary Fleet must not bear the stain of an accusation of revolutionary
sailors having murdered their helpless enemies, rendered harmless by
imprisonment. I call upon all who took
part in the murder—if these were misguided persons, and not counter
revolutionary oppressors—to appear of their own accord before the Revolutionary
Tribunal.”[95]
It was reported by news agencies that the sailors and Red
Guards who were armed and involved in the murders had gone straight to the
hospital from the office of the Commission for Combating Counter-Revolution,
Sabotage, and Profiteering. That this
body, headed by Dzerhzinsky and Bonch-Bruyevitch, which from the first enlisted
the services of many of the spies and secret agents of the old regime, had some
connection with the murders was generally believed.[96]
Meanwhile, the peace with Germany
will include special protocols; in the agreement known as the Treaty of Brest
Litovsk; (it was a nightmarish treaty, in one stroke of the pen, Germany stood to gain control of Eastern Europe
from the Black Sea to the Artic
Ocean. Land whose
inhabitants numbered in excess of fifty five million.) the world learned; it is the intention of Germany
to gain possession of the Russian Baltic fleet intact. Great care has been exercised in requiring
the Russians to preserve their war vessels—for Germany. Unbeknown to most the new terms of peace are
more specific and contain provisions unmasking a German plan to use Russian
military and naval resources against the entente and the United States. Germany insists that the Bolshevik agree to
terms guaranteeing the possibility of German making use of the Russian fleet
and the Russian war supplies against Germany’s enemies.[97]
Unaware of Trotsky & Lenin’s designs, on the
fifteenth of February, Dybenko, as Peoples Commissariat of the Navy, formulates
a report and presents it to the Sovnarkom entitled:
“The Strategic Situation in the Sea in Case of Active Actions of Germany”[98]
The blueprint of the great ice march coordinated and led by
Admiral Shchastny
According to the directive of the Naval Board the main bases
with all battle and support ships were to be moved from Revel and Helsingfors
to Kronstadt.
At first Lenin seemed against the peace, “I fear we shall
have to stop demobilization and prepare for war. If Germany
and her allies do not accept our conditions of peace then we shall declare a
revolutionary war against Germany. We will not agree to a shameful peace.”[99]
Lt. Col Jacques Sadoul wrote how impressed he was with fact
that Kamenev and Kollontai, members of the right and left sides politically of
the new Government were in absolute agreement about the upcoming treaty for a
democratic peace that can be tied to no annexations nor indemnities.
In Petrograd, the question
was still unresolved.
Trotsky stated,
“We are not followers of Tolstoy. We do not say we will not resist the German
invasion.”[100]
Another member of the Bolshevik government Radek said,
“We are going to fight, and if we go down fighting the cause
of the revolution is saved.”
Lenin changing his opinion offered, “if we refuse, then
tremendous defeats will force Russia
to conclude a still more disadvantageous peace.”[101]
Pavel couldn’t disagree more. Pavel puts his support behind a revolutionary
war; Shteinberg and others joined him as the question concerning peace
continued. Lenin was now joined by
Trotsky and together led the fight for an immediate surrender.
Uritsky stated,
‘Would it not be better to die with honor?’
A group of anti-peace Bolsheviks, including Radek,
Volodarsky, Bronsky, and others were less hopeful.
Frustrated, Pavel calls Alexsandra by phone in
Helsingfors.
“Helsingfors,
Kollontai speaking.
Hello, Shura…there was a meeting of People’s
Commissars at three o’clock and a resolution was adopted by both parties
against two people, me and Algasov…because we stand opposed to the Brest Peace
Treaty…I am standing for the principles of a partisan war…I beg you to come to
Petrograd, even if it’s only for a couple hours…
In the meantime, Alexsandra is preparing to send a telegram
to Pavel.
“Just back
from the ships. There was a big, stormy
meeting on the Petropavlosk. My resolution was adopted by the minority but
the majority spoke out for a vote of confidence in the Soviet power…As I lashed
them severely after the voting, they decided to take another vote…I left at
that point…It would be very good for the work in the Navy and for the
information of the delegation if you could make an urgent trip over here…”
Later, Dybenko sends another communication to Alexsandra via
telegram;
“In
connection with the German offensive, there was an emergency session of the
Commissars. My speech was put off until
after the decision of the Central Committee.
A telegram was sent to Berlin at 7am agreeing to the peace
conditions. At three o’clock there is to
be another session about the sending of the telegram. I am in complete disagreement with this
telegram and in the event that it is adopted a second time I shall resign my
position…”[102]
Having just received Dybenko’s second telegram, Alexsandra
calls Pavel by phone,
“On the
question of leaving the Council of People’s Commissars, I repeat there is
nothing surprising about your being in the minority. Don’t hand in your resignation yet…The best
thing will be to wait until you’re in Helsingfors and have got things going here. It is my impression that your presence here
would smooth things out a great deal.
Couldn’t you leave tonight?”[103]
On February 18th, due to Pavel’s opposition to
the treaty, Robert Bender of United Press wrote,
…Sailors of
the Russian Baltic fleet, first to join the Petrograd revolution and then jump
to the Bolshevik, have broken way to complete anarchism, which is sweeping
through Finland.
According to Dr. Ignatus,
Finland’s
representative here today, the Baltic sailors are now,
“beyond the
control of the Petrograd Bolsheviki”[104]
On the 21st, Lenin writes, ‘The Socialist Fatherland is in Danger’, calling for the country’s
entire manpower and resources to be placed entirely at the service of
revolutionary defense and that all soviets and revolutionary organizations are
ordered to defend every position to the last drop.[105]
Dybenko went to Helsingfors to recruit two thousand sailors
to help stem the tide of the advancing Germans.
Dybenko tells his sailors the peace negotiations with Germany are
wrecked. He goes on to declare in the
plenary meeting that Trotsky has deranged the negotiations, which to some
people, he included, found shameful and humiliating.
The next day on the 22nd order # 78 on
revolutionary mobilization was issued.
Dybenko finds the midshipman
Pavlov and appoints him chief of the composite detachment urgently formed to
defend Russia
from the advancing Germans. The first
Northern detachments of the Baltic sailors was created and were advised that
they are going to be sent to the Narva region.
The following news dispatch from Petrograd
dated February 22nd is especially telling as it calls for the
dismissal of Dybenko before the events of Narva.
“Disorganization
in the Russian Navy has reached an extreme point, and there is no likelihood of
any order being obeyed.”
Headlines read,
Afraid of Anarchist Riots and
Ultra-Radicals Gaining Control of Navy
And then the story line,
Anarchists
Control Fleet
New of the fleet is still more disquieting. The anarchist movement in it is gaining ground.
Demands are being made for the dismissal of M.Dybenko, the People’s Commissar
of Marine.[106]
Meanwhile, The Naval authorities at Reval report,
“In order
to save the navy from the hands of the Germans, it will be necessary to remove
ships from Reval and Helsingfors to Kronshtadt.
Dybenko meets up with P.M. Bulkin who is chief of the group
of sailors and soldiers retreating from Revel.
Bulkin gives Dybenko a copy of his report sent to the Naval Board. Dybenko read, “All army units are
demoralized, we are almost alone, those who stand to the end and defend the Soviet Republic. We asked for an additional 500 (or how many
you have) sailors…..”, Bulkin went on to state the Germans kept bringing new
reinforcements as his detachment continued to diminish.
The remains of Bulkin’s detachment were joined with the
Northern Battalion of Dybenko’s.[107]
The first fight the Northern Battalion was involved in took
place near the small village
of Ivveve. The fight lasted all day and all night on the
2nd of March. The air was
cool and the snow thick making for a difficult engagement. The echelon of sailors met the Germans with
two armored vehicles on platforms prepared to halt the advance. The fighting of the battalion held in check
many of advance attempts of the enemy.
However, as with Bulkins units in Revel, no matter how many of the
enemies were shot down they were always able to bring in more
reinforcements. The battalion met the
challenge of the enemy for what seemed like hours.
Then during one point of the fever pitched battle there was
an explosion that rocked the earth.
After the smoke cleared, the engineer driver and his assistant were
killed and ten sailors seriously wounded.
The sailors took up a defensive position. The fighting proved difficult without light
artillery and reinforcements.[108]
On the morning of March 3rd,
the Germans began advancing with two columns, one along the railway and the
other to the North along the Revel highway.
It was early, the exhausted Northern Detachment were prepared. The Germans walked into a hornet’s nest. Fierce fighting took place near
Vayvara-Korf. ...The fight continued
with Dybenko, Pavlov, and Bulkin leading the detachment of sailors and soldiers
from the Putilovsky plant through the thick snow attacking several times. They advanced several kilometers attacking
the right flank of the Germans near Primorsky sector near Narva.[109]
The enemy’s column
advancing from the north won over the Russian troops that were fighting there
and in this way created the threat for Dybenko’s detachment of being turned
from the rear. With no hope for
reinforcements and over 500 dead and many more wounded, Dybenko was forced to
retreat.[110]
One of the leaders of
Pavel’s detachment recalled, “the Supreme military council and Bonch-Bruevitch
provoked them on many occasions. The latter one kept promising to procure the
sailors with everything they needed to fight but failed to do so. According to
this commissar the Red Army units didn’t just fail to help the sailors but moreover
they were intentionally precluding them from organizing proper defense, while
the sailors had no ammunition left the Red Army soldier had way too much and
they spared them till it was too late to use them”. Dybenko, Pavlov, Bulkin,
and the remaining Northern Battallion retreat
to Yamburg.[111]
At Yamburg, Parskii tells Pavel of the change of command;
news not only to Dybenko but his whole staff.
According to Tshekin just hours earlier in direct line talks with Lurie
in Petrograd it was known that Parskii arrived yesterday and only as a member
of the military headquarters, as far as he knew, the commander is Dybenko.[112] Pavel was stunned, he ranted about the lack
of adequate reinforcement and artillery.
Parskii storms back into his makeshift
office and fires off a report via telegram to Petrograd. In the report Parskii details the
insubordination; accusations of Dybenko and his sailors. Parskii goes on to ask for confirmation of
his authority and how to deal with this brazen and impertinent Dybenko. Bonch-Bruyevich recalls he was “alarmed” and
gave a detailed report to Lenin.
In Bonch-Bruyevich’s memoirs, “I was not
privy to the contents that Lenin wrote in his telegram to Dybenko but I can
tell you the next morning, I received a telegram from Dybenko in Yamburg which
rather amused me.” The telegram read,
“I transfer command to
his Excellency General Parskii”
using the cancelled Tsar’s time title to
make it sound more sarcastic.[113]
Having heard of the circumstances at Narva, Captain M.V.
Ivanov, the commander at Pskov
questioned the need for Parskii and other ex Tsars’ military leaders.
The next day February 25th
Lenin published, A Painful But Necessary
Lesson, where upon he derides both Stienberg and Pavel. The latter was referred to in the following.
…On
the other hand there have been the painful and humiliating reports of regiments
refusing to retain their positions, of refusal to defend even the Narva Line,
and of disobedience to the order to destroy everything in the event of a
retreat, not to mention the running away, the chaos, ineptitude, helplessness,
and sloviness.
More importantly for Lenin, the
so-called “failure” of Narva, (without
doubt helped along by the government),
was used to strengthen Lenin’s arguments on the question of peace.
Through official statement Krylenko told the press…( the
following statement underlies the course of action Lenin, Trotsky, Krylenko,
etc. take to discredit Pavel and the Sailors.
If one replaces Russian troops, Russian peasant soldiers, and Russian
army with ‘sailors’ one sees the preparation to do away with the sailors
influence. Additionally, a slight toward
Pavel’s peasant roots is referred to an attempt to minimize Pavel’s political
largeness.)
“Russian troops,
almost without exception, have refused flatly to fight. A division, which was supposed to be
defending Narva, has arrived at Gatchina.
They replied they did not intend to fight’. “Immediately the first few German troops
appeared, the Russian peasant soldiers who, being peasants, not industrialists,
were interested merely in the land question and cared nothing for the
revolution, started eastward in an uncontrollable wave, threatening to suck all
the towns on the way. The Russian army
was Germany’s
strongest weapon. In driving it towards Petrograd they were driving a herd of stampeding cattle,
which would trample down everything in its way.
The revolutionary workmen could have put up a real fight against the
German, but they could do nothing against the Russian army, which must
disappear before the revolution can begin to create any real military force for
itself. The workmen of the towns are
eager to fight.”[114]
The decision to sign peace at any cost has caused serious
dissensions in the governing group. The
peace party, headed by Premier Lenin, insists that real defense being out of
the question in view of the complete collapse of the army, it is better to
accept the German terms and thus render it possible for the Soviet Government
to maintain itself on limited territory and continue its work of fostering a
world revolution which will ultimately upset all the plans of the German
Imperialists.[115]
The opposition party urges that once Russia is completely delivered into the hands of
the powerful Imperialists of Germany it will be impossible to maintain Soviet
rule to any serious extent on Russian territory, and that it would be better to
retire fighting into the depths of Russia than to consent formally to
the present humiliation.[116] Within the opposition party, is a majority of
Left Social Revolutionaries and a section of the Bolshevik headed by Radek,
Dybenko, Kollontai, and Riazanov who are still for revolutionary war. Lenin wrote, “Since
the conclusion of the Brest peace, some comrades who call themselves “Left
Communists” have formed an “Opposition” in the Party, and in consequence of
this their activity is slipping further and further towards a completely
disloyal and impermissible violation of Party discipline. These are absolutely
disloyal, uncomradely actions that violate Party discipline, and such behavior
was and remains a step towards a split on the part of the above-mentioned
comrades. . .Lenin could not allow himself to be seen on the streets of Petrograd by those he disparaged. People whom he had damned as compromisers
and fence-sitters in the past founded a newspaper directed against him. This daily newspaper, The Communist, for which Radek and Bukharin,
Kollontai and Dybenko all wrote published just eleven issues between March 5th
and March 19th .[117]
Lenin undeterred by the opposition party to which he now
referred to as “waverer’s” sent out a statement via Moscow Dispatch, “The
Congress,’ it says, “will recognize that the policy of the Soviet Government in
the questions of war and peace was the right one. It will recognize that it was impossible to
carry on the war when the country had no army.
The congress will also face the main outlines of a policy of economic
reconstruction and complete the recuperation of the forces for the purpose of
repelling predatory imperialism. And
this program the Soviet Government must put into execution on the day after the
final conclusion of peace.”[118]
The assault of Pavel’s character would be further developed
as the executive committee discusses an absurd accusation; an episode that
suggests Pavel and his sailors had robbed the mint on March 11th for
personal gain.[119]
At the Seventh Party Congress in March,
Lenin also raised the question of who should run the military
administration. Who, asked Lenin, was
capable of creating a new military organization that would be able to resist
the enemy’s regular army? Who could
breathe life into an old army? Lenin
went on to state the German offensive of the previous month had shown that the
triumvirate governing the Commissariat for Military Affairs: Krylenko,
Podvoiskii, and Dybenko—were not up to handling the difficult task of creating
a regular army. Lenin declared the
current triumvirate held leftist views on military organization that he did not
approve of.[120]
Lenin further stated he was not prepared
to put a military expert of the old school in charge either, as it would be
unacceptable to both the army and the people. (note Lenin does not mention the
navy) After so-called long deliberation
with confidants, Lenin states Trotsky is the answer. Trotsky recalled this event by writing,
“Not until March 13 was there a public
announcement of my resignation from the commissariat of foreign affairs,
coinciding with the announcement of my appointment as war commissary and as
chairman of the Supreme War Council, formed only a little while before on my
initiative. Thus Lenin achieved his end after all.”[121]
The sailors ignored orders from Trotsky unless Dybenko
confirmed them.
As a result, a determined Trotsky would soon have Pavel
Dybenko court-martialed.
Another man spoke at the Congress, Revolutionary Commissary
for Justice Shteinberg, he was particularly vehement in his condemnation of the
disgraceful peace. He urged that by
ratification, the Soviet Government would gain nothing and that peace was a
complete betrayal of the interests of the Russian Revolution.[122] Dybenko, as well, stood firm and continued
to argue in opposition to the treaty.
The Moscow Congress majority is with Lenin’s peace party and
ratifies the treaty…and the next day the papers read;
“Two Bolshevik commissaries quit
the Russian cabinet, in addition to the four social revolutionaries of the
left, in opposition to and as a result of the pan-soviet’s ratification of the
German peace treaty at Moscow
Saturday, it became known today. The
lefters’ action was pre-announced, but that of the bolsheviki came as a
surprise. The Bolshevik ministers were
M. Dybenko and Mme. Kollontai. The
social revolutionaries were M. Shteinberg, M. Kalagaieff, M. Karelin, and M.
Proshian. The latter announcing their
party’s intention of declaring a “merciless war on imperialism.”[123]
As a result of political differences Dybenko announced that
he is leaving as sign of protest against the Brest peace treaty. In his statement he said
the following:
“Being convinced of the
necessity of the revolutionary war, I believe that the truce with Austrian and
German imperialists does not save the Soviet power in Russia but
moreover it hinders the revolutionary movement. These are the convictions which
make me leave the Soviet of the people’s Commissars…”[124]
The ministers were easily replaced. Due to the split of the party, Lenin’s
Bolshevik faction, his peace party is now to be known as the Communists. Krylenko will take over as Minister of Justice
in place of Shteinberg and Trotsky was slated to take over the military
including the navy. Pavel Dybenko on the
other hand was a different problem, Pavel was feared.
Lenin and his government move to arrest
Pavel. It was learned Kollontai
protested vehemently against Dybenko’s imprisonment. On March 18 and 19th, in
successive Sovnarkom sessions, she spoke on behalf of Dybenko.
Behind the scenes the legal wrangling to
dispose of Pavel was already in process.
Top Secret March 1918
To the Extreme Commission for the
issues of fighting Contra-revolution
To comrade Dzerzhinsky
In the light of the information that throws shadow over the
Peoples’ Naval Commissar, Dybenko and very grave accusations against him
concerning the military operation at Narva and fight against the German troops,
the Presidium and the Central Executive Committee of the Party commands you to
immediately detain commissar Dybenko and to inform the VTSIK presidium about
this arrest. The special investigation
commission is charged with conducting this investigation, determining the
degree of guilt of the Peoples’ Commissar Dybenko and estimating the
correctness of the statements we received. We order you to keep this whole
matter top secret under your personal responsibility.
Chairman (Lenin)
Secretary (Bonch-Bruyevitch)[125]
The same day, March 20th, a
Petrograd message received in London
today carries the report that on Monday night three of the Peoples
Commissionaires, names not given, entrusted with the reorganization of the Red
revolutionary navy, were mysteriously murdered.
Other reports from Moscow
state that the Council of Peoples Commissaries has ordered the arrest of M.
Dybenko, the Commissar of Marine, for opposition to the ratification of the
peace treaty.[126] A slip by the official censor…this press
dispatch affirms the reason why Pavel was arrested and subject to be shot was
because of his political views, yet political views alone were not enough to
cause Lenin concern. Pavel Dybenko was
brought to Moscow
a prisoner. Immediately, his arrest
raised protest from his own men, and a group of sailors went to the new
capital, demanding his release pending trial.
Kollontai was angry as well.
Others saw the events as
“Even the nearest
confederates of Lenin are not safe from his despotism. In this respect the incident of the arrest of
Dybenko (the Naval Commissary), who dared to express a protest against Lenin,
is characteristic. The latter intended by
this measure to terrorize those Bolshevist leaders who would venture to join
the opposition”[127]
Kollontai wrote many letters to Dybenko in the prison:
“ All my soul, my heart, my thoughts,
everything is with you and for you, my darling, my beloved. I want you to know
that I can live and will live only with you. Without you my life is dead and
unbearable. You must be proud of yourself and confident. You can hold your head
straight as no slander will ever mar your beautiful, pure and noble character”.
The next day on the 21st,
Jacques Sadoul again meets up with Kollontai.
He notices the stress and anxieties of the last six months have taken a
toll on the once vibrant and beautiful Alexsandra. She was on her way to the Kremlin with food
for her husband, and as Sadoul accompanied her, Kollontai shared that she was
worried for Pavel, having been arrested and for the fact he stood the
possibility of being executed right away.
Kollontai told Saduol of her meeting with Dzerzhinsky, the latter having
in effect ordered Kollontai to keep Pavel and his sailors from every “possible
unreasonable action”. Dzerzhinsky ends
his discussion by sharing with Kollontai that he, “wishes to avoid decisive
steps available to the All-Russian Extreme Commission.”[128]
Kollontai was one of many who believed
that Lenin is against Pavel because he dared to openly disagree. She also believed that Lenin is using this
arrest to show example to all the others of what happens when one
disagrees. Alexsandra believed Lenin had
feared that Pavel was going to immediately start hostilities with the Germans
and against his governments peace. Lenin
also feared that Pavel was going to march to Moscow and take on the government of the
Bolsheviks as the leader of the movement against the majority of the Bolshevik
Government. Dybenko’s sailors had just
sent a demand via a note to Lenin and Trotsky that if Dybenko doesn’t return
they will bombard the Kremlin and dispose of the two of them.[129]
The official accusation would adjust as
readers throughout the world read in a new dispatch from Moscow on the 21st of March. Moscow
Official Seized
M. Dybenko, the former Commissar of
Marine, has been imprisoned in the Kremlin, charged with failure to obey orders
and advance while commanding troops sent to resist the German entry into
Narva. A revolutionary tribunal will try
him.[130]
On the same day a session of the
presidium Cheka took place in Moscow.
The third item on the agenda raised a question concerning an “attempt of the
sailors to murder Sverdlov”. Dzerzhinsky declared the sailors have threatened
to finish with the colleague of the leader of revolution. However, despite the
gravity of the situation, this accusation is swept away as it is just another
attempt to affirm the decision to rid Dybenko, more importantly the
revolutionary sailors, from influencing government. .
Kollontai herself did not escape the wrath of Lenin for her
support of Dybenko.
Lenin told Alexsandra’s good friend Clara Zetkin that he;
“wouldn’t
bet on the reliability…of those women who confuse their personal romances with
politics.”[131]
Louise Bryant, the American journalist who had become
friendly with Kollontai, wrote that many Bolsheviks "looked with
disapproving eyes upon Kollontai's infatuation for Dybenko”
Jacques Sadoul saw Kollontai through a different lens.[132]
“Vestal of
the Revolution, she would like to maintain the flame of the maximalist ideal in
all its purity. She has thrown herself
headlong into the opposition, she criticizes severely the brutal measures taken
by her comrades against the anarchists, and is indignant at the concession to
the moderate and bourgeois opposition allowed everyday by the government.
A detachment of sailors came from the northern front with
the intention of securing Dybenko’s release, but they were stopped at the
Bologne Station and told force was not necessary…yet. The sailors, however, demanded his release on
their surety and the appointment of another court of inquiry, half to be
composed of sailors. The dissatisfaction
also took form of a protest against the employment of Generals of the old army,
the sailors objecting in particular to Bonch-Bruyevitch, Schwartz, and Parskii
who took over command at Narva.
Dzerzhinsky, “revolted by excesses of the sailors”, suggests to,
“publish widely all information on the arrest of the Chairman of Tsentrobalt”,
Dzerzhinsky goes on to state, “those who attempt to release Pavel from custody
are to be considered enemies and traitors to the people”. The Sovnarkom discussed the meaning of
“attempt to” resolving to address the situation with a brief resolution, “to
disarm the sailors.”[133]
A court of inquiry was appointed and had begun its
work.
Finally, on the 27th, a compromise was reached in
the Dybenko affair. Pavel was to be
paroled on the surety of his wife, a detachment of sailors, and his own
recognition.
Released to Alexsandra, Pavel was told that his bail was
contingent upon his remaining in Moscow. The next day on the 28th, Pavel
requested to the investigation commission to let him go to Orel.
His request was denied.
Several weeks later, Dybenko wrote another letter to the
investigation committee;
“having
found out affidavits of individuals present during the questioned times have
been discarded or deemed irrelevant. the investigation commission was not
functioning the way it should have and as a result my time is wasted in Moscow as I am unable to
do important things.”
Continuing in protest,
“I do not
believe that I should comply with the note of my staying in Moscow when
basic formalities were not carried out during my arrest.”
Finishing his letter with,
“My revolutionary
conscience doesn’t allow me to stay totally passive while there are threats
from both internal and external
enemies to everything we conquered with so much blood. I promise to appear in court and respond in
front of judges and the people.”[134]
Shortly after making his statement, Dybenko left for
Samara.
At Samara, and in his memoirs Kalinin remembers that at
first local Bolsheviks were happy to see Pavel but then they received a
telegram demanding that they should immediately detain Dybenko and send him
back to Moscow.
Krylenko’s telegram and attitude towards Dybenko was as one
to an especially dangerous criminal and towards Kollontay as to an
accomplice. This telegram suggested to
arrest Kollontai who they claimed disappeared though it was widely known that
she was in Petrograd.[135]
In did make good print though, for in a special Cable to the
New York Times, Arthur Ransome writes from Moscow on April 17th; “Dybenko Missing, Mme. Kollontai Too”
Soviets send out alarm for Navy Commander who gave up Narva
to the Germans.
On the morning Dybenko read the investigation commissions’
telegram, he immediately sent a letter to the local party center and it still
remains to this day in the archives in Samara.
In his letter Dybenko said that Krylenko’s telegram was a lie because
before he left he did indeed notify the investigation commission through Yurin
of his intentions to leave Moscow. Pavel went on to note that the commission was
deliberately stretching the investigation looking for witnesses who would
corroborate their lie. Moreover, because
of some of the witnesses’ refusal to corroborate the governments’ findings…the
investigation almost completely came to a halt.
The letter also continued Dybenko’s promise of his agreement to come
back and appear in front of the court and the people when it was required. The statement spoke to injustices and crimes
of Lenin and Trotsky and their funding. Lastly, Dybenko called upon the people
of Russia
to “rise up against the powerful and to know that their destiny lay in their
own hands”. [136]
The head of the Samara government body Kuybushev, asked Kalinin to take Pavel back to Moscow but with little attention as possible
to clear up matters. When Kalinin came to Dybenko, his sailors arrested him as
“contra” but Dybenko told them to release Kalinin. Kalinin
asked Pavel to join him for a meeting with Kuybushev in his office.
At the meeting Kuybushev asks Pavel why he arrived in Samara
and how big was his detachment? Pavel
responded by attacking Bonch Bruyevitch.
Sharing with Kuybushev and Kalinin how the sailors were left in the
lurch, promised ammunition, artillery, and reinforcements by Bonch Bruyevitch,
which never came.
Kuybushev insisted that Dybenko respect Gen Bonch Bruyevitch
as Lenin trusts him.
Furthermore, he stated gorilla war methods are not
acceptable any more.
Kuybushev recommended Pavel voluntarily return to Moscow as soon as he
could.
But Kuybushev also said he would leave that recommendation
to the local soviet.
During the local Soviet’s meeting Zverev, one of the leaders
of the local maximalists declared that Dybenko’s case was vivid proof that
there was no real Soviet power but despotism of the People’s Commissars. In his opinion should Dybenko stand trial,
together with him there should be the entire Soviet of People’s Commissars
because Dybenko was not more a criminal than other commissars.
Another representative of the Samara maximalists, Kuzmin,
suggests that an extraordinary session of all Russia Soviets be summoned in
order to make Dybenko’s revelations (his letter) and unmasking known to the
whole country and to put the entire Soviet of People’s Commissars on trial.[137]
In his speech, Kuybeshev marked that in his opinion,
Dybenko’s arrest didn’t have any political motives.
The Left SR’s suggested a meeting resolution declaring Pavel
innocent and demanded that the entire Soviet of People’s Commissars be
tried. When emotions were at their peak
the Menshivek’s stepped in to mitigate a solution. The leader asked Pavel if he would comply
with the Samara’s local soviets decision.
Pavel replied he would and at the end of the day 45 voted for the
resolution to send Pavel back to Moscow…30
were against with 8 abstaining. Pavel
agreed with the decision and on April 26th left to return to Moscow for trial.[138]
The Delo of Dybenko
Two new revelations are added to the
accusations put forth by Lenin and Trotsky. One being drunkenness, Pavel,
alleged to have been drunk and allowed the spirits to flow free in his
battalion. The other coward-ness, Pavel
was alleged to have run from the enemy with fear. Witnesses of the prosecution supported these
two novel accusations. Izvestiia and
Pravda ran coverage of this trial on the 12th, 16th, and
19th of May. Unfortunately,
with both newspapers covering the case one can only read about the prosecutions
case. Not surprisingly, it will be Pavel
who is accused of Lenin’s red terror.
Dybenko’s position on this whole matter was he was being
persecuted for his opposition to the peace.
This Narva allegation is trumped up nonsense. The sailors fought heroically and were it not
for the lack of reinforcement and artillery the sailors might well have been
victorious. Dybenko persisted in knowing
whether he was being tried as a People’s Commissar of the Navy or as head of a
partisan group? Dybenko also requested
that the hearing be postponed until such time all the witnesses could be
present as only a complete picture of the political events in the country would
explain the true reasons behind this inquisition.
Dybenko’s ally, former Minister of Justice, Steinberg would
head his defense assisted by another associate Yegerov.
Right
away Steinberg asserted the case was contrived for the reason that Dybenko grew
to become increasingly dangerous and the sole purpose of this case was to
eliminate him from the political scene.
Narva was used as an excuse to achieve that. The Defense was planning to base its strategy
on this statement and had a row of witnesses to support it. Furthermore, the defense held that Krylenko
should step down, as prosecutor for his role in the trial would be as a
witness. Steinberg also insisted on the
impossibility of trying the case while such important witnesses as Sverdlov,
Avanesov, Spiridonova, Lenin, Trotsky, Krylenko, Proshian, and Podvoskii were
not present.
The defense’s position was that Dybenko’s case was purely
political rather than just a “Narva incident” and as such should be viewed as
part of the whole political situation in the country.[139]
Prosecutor Krylenko expressed his protest against the
necessity of bringing to trial the witnesses asked for by the defense. Furthermore, Krylenko downplayed Dybenko’s
attempt to create a political boom out of a simple and clear case whereas the
former People’s Commissar, entrusted with the high responsibility didn’t
justify the trust by committing a number of despicable and criminal acts. All other outlooks on this case, in
Krylenko’s opinion, had no other goal but to confuse the case even further and
to mislead justice. Finally, according
to Russian law only a prosecutor can remove himself from the case, and Krylenko
refused.
In final arguments, Krylenko in disdainful accusatory tones
demanded the most severe punishment for Pavel, demanding his death. A man who didn’t justify the high trust
vested in him by the people. Krylenko insisted that Pavel should be tried not
as a simple citizen but as a former People’s Commissar. Krylenko told the tribunal he had proven all
11 counts in the indictment and asked that Pavel be denied the right to ever
hold governmental positions in the future.
In the very least, Krylenko asserted, Pavel should be remanded to
prison. Asst. Prosecutor Diakon, stated
he supported and was in agreement with Krylenko’s words.
Associate Defense Attorneys Yegorov and Girshgadt stressed
the difficulties that Pavel and his detachment had to encounter. They maintained that under such circumstances
one couldn’t really hope to succeed. In
their opinion Pavel did everything in his power to fulfill his tasks. More importantly, Pavel should not be held
responsible for the general destruction happening in different areas had
already reached such a degree making it impossible to complete his task.
Speaking again in rebuttal, Krylenko states the facts speak
for themselves. Pavel Dybenko, who was
elected by the people didn’t justify their trust. The revolutionary tribunal must show by its
verdict that any leader, no matter how high he was brought up by the
revolution; can and will be overthrown should he prove unable to remain on that
height. It might be tough but its
necessary, it’s the only way to fight demoralization spirit that can kill the
Russian revolution.
Lead Defense Attorney, Steinberg, spoke and maintained that
Pavel was prosecuted not because of his actions at Narva, rather because of his
prominence in the fleet. Steinberg
upheld his notion that Pavel had become dangerous to the majority and that is
the reason we are all here. Steinberg
asked the tribunal not allow the government to make a scapegoat out of
Pavel. To suggest Pavel is responsible
and should carry the entire guilt for failure to defend Narva is in conflict
with the facts of this case. Steinberg
ended his statement by asking the tribunal to find Pavel not guilty of all
charges and by doing so, return honor to this revolutionary hero.[140]
Finally, Pavel would address the tribunal,
“I am not
afraid of a verdict for myself, I am afraid of a verdict for the October
revolution and its achievements; gained by the cost of the proletarian
blood. We as a nation cannot let
personal conflicts and intrigues eliminate someone who disagrees with the
policy of the majority in government.. No matter what the verdict is found by
this tribunal, the sailors know the truth, and I will remain in the first rows
of the revolution because the sailors promoted me and they still trust me.”
Pavel ended with,
“Krylenko
has tried to mar my name here at the tribunal, in the papers, and at
meetings. There were no standard forms
during the revolution we all violated something. They say I gave spirits to the sailors but
the truth is that as the People’s Commissar I refused alcohol to the ship
commanders.
As a final point, Dybenko turns to Krylenko and declared:
“Mr. Prosecutor, we, the sailors,
went to die when there was chaos and panic at Smolny…I believe you were
there?…with that Judge Berman yells out of order and rebukes Pavel.
After just four hours of debates the tribunal ruled out and
found former Naval People’s Commissar Pavel Dybenko…Not Guilty and to acquit
him of all charges.[141]
Lenin won theoretically though; Dybenko was removed from his
leadership in the Revolutionary Fleet and his ability to affect
government.
Celebrating, in a room at the Kremlin, Dzerzhinsky, Lenin,
Bonch-Bruyevitch, Krylenko and others are discussing the failure of securing a
guilty verdict against Dybenko. In
conversation with Dzerzhinsky, Lenin is overheard saying that since Dybenko
will not be shot, he knew of an even more appropriate punishment. That Dybenko and Kollontai should remain
faithful to one another for fifteen years![142]
Although Kollontai was allowed to remain in the party her
position to affect women and workers civil liberties was significantly
diminished.
“The party,
even Lenin himself—you jeopardized your relationship with them because of
another passion, Pavel Dybenko”
On May, 22nd, 1918, Pavel’s
critical reply is published,
“To
the Left Comrades and Workers”
Pavel accused Lenin of his constant conciliations
in regard to his dealings with the Germans and his inability to finish with the
chaos and ruin in the country. Pavel
rebukes and holds to shame the actions of Lenin’s governmental
Bolshevik-compromisers that each day are handing over the gains achieved in
October. Again Dybenko openly opposed
the new government and called on the workers and peasants to solve “their own
destiny”.[143]
Truth was for Russia and the movement known as
democratic socialism, its historic proponent Pavel Dybenko; a true patriot of
freedom would be unceremoniously discarded and written from historical
record.
George Levy
[1] A.J.
Sack, The Birth of a Russian Democracy, Russian Information Bureau, 1918, pg.
124
[2] Noam
Chomsky, 2003 interview by Brian Lamb, for C-Span’s “In Depth” program; Noam
Chomsky Q&A in 1989 Lenin, Trotsky, & Socialism
[3] Ivan
Zhigalov, Tale of a Baltic Sailor, Moscow
1974 pg. 5-7
[4]
A.J.Sack, The Birth of a Russian Democracy, Russian Information Bureau, 1918
pg.54
[5] Novozybkov Museum,
Ivan Zhigalov, Dybenko, Moscow
1983 pg. 5
[6] Due to
Revolutionists, The New York Times, July 6th, 1905 pg.1
[7] Special
Cable to the New York Times, AP, November 10th 1905 pg.1
[8]
Mutineers Tell of Black Sea Revolt, Special Cable to the New York Times, AP,
July 31, 1905 pg.7
[9] Alexey
Kilichenkov, Russian Life, Vol. 39, October 1996
[10] Ewan
Mawdsley, The Russian Revolution and The Baltic Fleet, MacMillan Press Ltd,
1978, pg.5
[11] RGALI,
P.E. Dybenko, Sailors and Their Fight for Revolution, Fond 618, Opis 7, L.,57
[12]
Warship Plot to Seize Czar, Marconi Transatlantic Wireless Telegraph, The New
York Times, Aug 13, 1912
[13] Plot to
Kidnap Czar and Family, Coshocton Morning Tribune, August 14, 1912 pg.1
[14]
Naval Minister Expresses Czar’s Sorrow, Special Cable to The New York Times,
September 9, 1912, pg.4
[15] Alan
Woods, Bolshevism: The Road to Revolution, Wellread Publications, 1999
[16] Lt.
Col. Bek, Military Review, Russian Soviet Government Bureau, 1921 pg. 353
[17] P.
Malkov, The Tsentrobalt Chairman, Party Member Since 1904
[18] A.M.
Blinov, Tsentrobalt, Voprosy Istorii (USSR) 1969 (11) 28-42
[19]
N.F. Izmailov, A.S. Puhov, Tsentrobalt, Publishing House of the Defense
Ministry of USSR, Moscow, 1963
[20] Baltic
Fleet is Now Loyal, Special to The New York Times, May 3, 1917, pg.4
[22]
N.F. Izmailov, A.S. Puhov, Tsentrobalt, Publishing House of the Defense
Ministry of USSR, Moscow, 1963
[23] Leon
Trotsky, The History of the Russian Revolution, Vol. 2 Chapter 29, Kerensky and
Kornilov
[24]
M.Pearson, Lenin’s Mistress, The Life of Inessa Armand, Random House, 2001, pg.
207
[25] Bessie
Beatty, The Red Heart of Russia, The
Century Co., New York 1918 Chapter IX pg. 169-177
[26] V.
Ilyin, A Sailor and An Aristocrat, The
Mayak, Novozybkov, November 6, 2001, pg. 1
[27] Lenin’s Wife, Nadezhda Krupshkaya,
M.Pearson, Lenins Mistress,
[28]Barbara
Evans Clements, Bolshevik Feminist The
Life of Alexsandra Kollontai, Indiana Univ. 1979 p135
[29]
Madame Kollontay; Heroine of the Bolsheviki Upheaval, Current Opinion; Jan 1918; Vol LXIV, no.1 p 22
[30] Leon
Trotsky, History of the Russian
Revolution,
[31] M.
Gorbachev, Gorbachev on My Country and
the World, Columbia University Press, 2000 Ch.1 pg.6
[32]
R.P.Browder, A.F. Kerensky, The Russian
Provisional Government, 1917:documents 1961Vol.1 pg.1548
[33] ibid,
pg. 1591,; Izvestiia, No. 158, August 31, 1917, p.3
[34] Marc
Ferro, October 1917: A Social History of
the Russian Revolution, Routeledge/Kegan 1980 p.236
[35]
Kornilov Marches on Petrograd, British
Admiralty per Wireless Press, London, September 11,
1917
[36] Albert
Rhys Williams, Through the Russian
Revolution, Boni & Liveright, New York 1921, pg.75
[37]
Kerensky Rebukes Fleet, Special to The
New York Times, September 18, 1917 p.1 (2 pgs)
[38]
Norman Saul,Sailors In Revolt,The Russian Baltic Fleet in 1917,Regents Press
of Kansas University,1977p165
[39] Fort
Wayne News, Fort Wayne, Indiana September 4, 1917 pg.1
[40] Pauline
S. Crosley, Intimate letters from Petrograd, E.P. Dutton & Co., 1920, p.
313-14
[41] Albert
Rhys Williams, The Red Fleet in the Baltic, The Nation, Oct 16, 1918 Vol 107
issue 2785 pg.579-583
[42]
Russian’s Refuse Sailor’s Demands, The Washington Post, Oct.8, 1917, pg.3
[43] ibid
[44] Baltic
Sailors in Preparing and Carrying out the Great October Socialist Revolution, Moscow 1957 p.238
[45] D.G.
Kirby, A Navy in Revolution, London,
1974 p.354
[46] Germans
take Arensburg, The Washington Post, Oct. 16, 1917, pg. 1
[47]
I.Lenin, L.Trotsky, The Proletariat Revolution in Russia, The Communist Press, 1918
p.284
[48] Says
Crew Sunk Slava to Bar Channel to Germans, The Washington Post, Oct. 20, 1917, p. 3
[49] James
White, Lenin, Trotsky, & the Arts of Insurrection, The Slavonic and East
European Review, No.1 (Jan., 1999) p. 128-9
[50] Baltic
Fleet Blamed, Special Cable from the London Times to Washington Post, Oct.20,
1917 p.3
[51] ibid
[52] R.
Wade, Revolutionary Russia,
New Approaches, Routeledge 2004, p 198
[53] V.
Chocholko, The Chairman of Tsentrobalt
[54] A.
Rabinowitch, The Bolsheviks Come to Power, London, 1979, p. 211
[55] Bedford
Gazette, Bedford, Pennsylvania, August 3, 1917, p.1
[56] James
White, Lenin, Trotsky, & the Arts of Insurrection, p. 128
[57] Harold
Williams, Russian Fleet is Demoralized, The New York Times, Oct. 16, 1917 p.2
[58]
Kollontai, Ruka istori, Vospominani A. Kollontai, no 10-5 Nov. 1927, pg.69
[59] Yuri
Chernov, High fate of the Aurora, Moscow,
Political Literature Publishing House, 1953, p. 128-30
[60] J.
Carmichael, The Russian Revolution, 1917, Eyewitness Account, Vol.2 Harper
& Bros 1962 p.602
[61] N.
Mitrophanov, Radio of October,Day after Day, Political Literature Publishing
House, 1974 p.13-17
[62] The Red
Archives Russian State Papers and Other Documents, 1915-1918, London, 1929, p. 151
[63] The Red
Archives, Russian State Papers and Other Documents, London, 1929 p. 151
[64]
Conversation: October 27 (November 9), 1917, Proletarskaya Revolutsia 1922
No.10
[65] Y.
Chernov, High Fate of the Aurora,
p. 158-65
[66] Captain
A. Shisov, Dybenko From Tsentrobalt, Red Star, February 26, 1989
[67] Wm. H.
Chamberlin, The Russian Revolution, MacMillan Press Ltd, 1935 pg. 477-78
[68]
N.Mitrophanov, Radio of October Day after Day, Political Literature Publishing
House, Moscow
1974 p.85-7
[69] N.
Saul, The Sailors of the Baltic Fleet, Regents Press Kansas University, 1978 p.
158-61
[70] M.N.
Pokrovskii, ‘Do’sheviki I front v oktiabre-noiabre 1917, Oktiabr’skaia
revoliutsiia:1917-27 1929 p. 218
[71] N.
Mitrophanov, Radio of October, Political Literature Publishing House, Moscow 1974 pg. 122
[72] I.
Zhigalov, Dybenko,, Moscow
1983 p. 131-35
[73]
W.Woytinsky, Stormy Passage: A Personal History through Two Russian
Revolutions, Vanguard 1961 p388-9
[74] A.
Kerensky, The Catastrophe: Kerensky’s Own Story of the Russian Revolution, New York 1921
[75]
Narkiewicz, Olga, Marxism and the reality of power, 1919-1980, St. Martins
Press 1981, p.19
[76] Jones,
Mark, Nikolai Podvisky on Lenin and October, University of Utah, 200, 2of2 p.9
[77]
Thompson, Dorothy, The New Russia, 1928 p.52
[78]
Antonov-Ovseyenko, Reminiscences of the CivilWar, Zapiski o
Grazhdanskoi Voine, Vol. 1 Moscow,
1924
[79] Bryant,
Louise, Six Red Months in Russia, George H. Doran Company, N.Y.1918, p. 118
[80] B.E.
Clements, Bolshevik Feminist, The Life of Alexsandra Kollontai, Indiana
University Press, 1979 p.135
[81] Yefgeny
Baleshev, We are young, while we are loved, New Taleon, 2003, pg.1
[82] Jacques
Sadoul, Notes from the Bolshevik Revolution, Paris 1919, pg. 95
[83] P.
Malkov, The Tsentrobalt Chairman, Party Member since 1904, Izvestiia, February
17, 1964
[84] Ibid
[85] Captain
A. Shishov, Dybenko From Tsetrobalt, Red Star, February 26, 1989
[86] Lenin,
Speech at the First All-Russian Congress of the Navy, November 22,1917, First
Published, December 1917, in the pamphlet, N. Lenin, Material on the
Agrarian Question, Priboi Publishers, Petersburg..
[87]
Clements, Alexsandra Kollontai, pg.236-38
[88] Nikolai
Semenov, The First Married Couple of the Soviet Union,
Aif Dolgozhitel, April 2003
[89] Mikhail
Soloviev, When the God’s are Silent, David McKay Co. Inc., New York, 1952, p. 327
[90] Bryant,
Louise, Six Red Months in Russia, George H. Doran Company, N.Y.1918, p. 60-61
[91] Bolshevik
propaganda.Hearings before a subcommittee...pursuant to S.Res. 439,469, Feb.11,
to Mar.10, 1919 pg. 1192-98
[92] First
published in 1959 in Lenin Miscellany XXXVI. Printed from the
manuscript. Marxists Internet Archive
[93] GARF,
Fond 130, Opis 2, D 132, List 2
[94] John
Spargo, The Greatest Failure in All of History, A Critical…Harper Bros, New York,
1920 p. 143
[95] Novaia
Zhian, No.6 January 22, 1918 p.3
[96] John
Spargo, The Greatest Failure in All of History, A Critical…Harper Bros, New York,
1920 p. 143
[97]
German War Fleet May
Be Second Now The New York Times; Jul.12, 1918 p.2
[98] Ivan
Zhigalov, Dybenko , Moscow
1983 p. 169
[99] Arthur
Ransome, Officer’s Called Back To the Army, The New York Times, January 9th
1918
[100]
Will Resist Says Trotsky, Washington Post, February 20, 1918
[101]
Bolshevist Plans Upset By Germans, The New York Times, February 17th,
1918
[102]
Zinovi Sheinis, Pages from the life of Alexsandra Kollontai, Soviet Lit. Soiuz
pisatelei SSSR, 1946 p.65
[103]
Ibid
[104] Clearfield Progress, Clearfield
Pennsylvania, February 18, 1918
[105]
Pravda, Izvestiia, published February 22, 1918
[106]
Ultra Radicals Gaining Control of the Navy, Washington
Post, Washington D.C., February 23, 1918
[107]
Ivan Zhigalov, Dybenko, Moscow
1983, p. 177
[108]
Ibid p. 178-80
[109]
A.I. Cherepanov, Under Pskov
and Narva, February 1918, Moscow
1957 p.
[110]
Arthur Ransome, Peace Can’t Last, Russians Agree, The New York Times, March 9,
1918
[111]
S.V. Starikov, P.
Dybenko in Samara in the spring of 1918
[112]
Materials from the Russian Federation State Archive, Conversation on the direct
line w/Yamburg 1918
[113]
Ivan Zhigalov, Dybenko, Moscow
1983 p.178-80
[114]
Russian Troops in No Fighting Mind, Nevada State Journal, Reno, Nevada,
February 28, 1918
[115]
Harold Williams, Special Cable to The New York Times, March 6, 1918
[116]
Ibid
[117]
Alfred Doblin, Karl and Rosa, November 18 a German Revolution, International
Pub. Corp, 1983 p.19
[118]
Harold Williams, Special Cable to The New York Times, March 7, 1918
[119] GARF, F. 130, op. 3, d 65a, p.
45
[120]
Dmitri Volkogonov, Trotsky, The Eternal Revolutionary, Free Press 1996, p.119
[121]
Leon Trotsky, My Life, Moscow
Chapter XXX
[122]
Harold Williams, Many Massacres in Russian
Towns, The New York
Times, March 19, 1918
[123]
Trotzky Sees A Plot, The United Press, The Washington Post, March 19, 1918 p.1
[124]
L.L. Mlechim, The Sailor of the Baltic Fleet, Moscow 2002 p. 144
[125]
GARF, Fond 130, Opis 23,D.10, List 94
[126]
Order to Seize Commissary of Marine, The New York Times March 21, 1918
[127]
The New Russia,
The Russian Liberation Committee 1920 p. 52
[129]
Beatrice Farnsworth, Aleksandra Kollontai,….Stanford University Press 1980 p.
118-19
[130] Moscow Officials Seized,
The New York Times, March 25, 1918
[131]
B. Farnsworth, Aleksandra Kollontai, p. 117
[132]
Louise Bryant, Mirrors of Moscow, Thomas
Seltzer, New York
1923, p. 115
[133]
Col. Pavel Palchikov, Pavel Dybenko, Aug. 2008 p. 15
[134]
Samara Newspaper ‘Labour
Republic’
[135]
GARF, Fond 130, Opis 2, D. 785, List 3
[136]
Samara Newspaper ‘Labour
Republic’
[137]
S.V. Starikov, P. Dybenko in Samara in the spring of 1918
[138]
S.V. Starikov, P. Dybenko in Samara in the spring of 1918
[139]
Izvestiia No.83, May 3, 1918 p.5; No.89, May 4, pg.5; No.99p.5
Pravda May
12, 16, 19, 1918
[140]
Izvestiia No.83, May 3, 1918 p.5; No.89, May 4, pg.5; No.99p.5
Pravda May
12, 16, 19, 1918
[141]
Izvestiia No.83, May 3, 1918 p.5; No.89, May 4, pg.5; No.99p.5
Pravda May
12, 16, 19, 1918
[142]
Albert Rhys Williams, Journey into
Revolution, Quadrangle Books, Chicago
1969 p. 200.
[143] Moscow newspaper
‘Anarchy’ May 22, 1918
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