Alexandra Kollontai and Pavel Dybenko

Kollontai and Dybenko

A tale of extraordinary Russian Romance

                                 He who has a good woman wears heaven in his hat

                                            And its always the woman's fault

The clouds were said to have parted on that spring day and a ray of sunshine cast down on the harbor of Helsingfors in 1917...it was then a spectacular relationship started between  Alexsandra Kollontai and Pavel Dybenko.  Authors of romantic novels found great material...newspaper writers invited their subscribers to bits and pieces of the love affair.  From metropolitan Moscow, Paris and Oslo one could read on the subject of the "romance of the revolution"                                                   

Kollontai was always adamant about achieving whatever results she set forth to accomplish, her writings impressive, her sophistication impeccable and her beauty breathtaking.  Kollontai relinquishes a comfortable and undemanding life as a daughter and wife of means.   Since the turn of the century she became active in the Russian Social Democratic Workers Party and she will become known to Clara Zetkin and Rosa Luxembourg. 

Clara Zetkin and Rosa Luxembourg

At this point in her life, Kollontai's interest lie in the vision of attaining certain rights she felt Russian women were not only deserving of but entitled to.  This revelation solidified after visiting a large textile factory in 1896.   Kollontai observed the horrid living and working conditions the female workers were exposed to.  The experience moved her to action; "Women, their fate, occupied me all my life; women's lot pushed me to socialism".  

So began Kollontai's many years of dedication to champion the cause for "liberi et sui iuris mulier"   She traveled throughout Europe and even to America speaking to this vision.  

In the early twentieth century while at various political meetings of the individuals who would soon shape the future of Russia, she would often declare that in Russia there exists half of the population who are women.  Unless women's interests are addressed in the plenary's work she would not, could not continue her work nor provide support. 

During the early twentieth century her political acumen among the male dominated debates was extraordinary.  Kollontai demonstrated her patience during this time by not fully committing to a particular party until 1915 or so.  It was then that Kollontai's intellectual relationship with Lenin really began to prosper.  Kollontai believed it would be through Lenin that she would be able to achieve her visions and goals for the betterment and emancipation of women.  Kollontai became one of Lenin's few faithful adherents and he wrote to her frequently. 

Many of the political elite knew of the relations of camaraderie and friendship existing between  Lenin and Kollontai. Kollontai was an avid supporter of Lenin's and followed him for many years. Russians who have been nourished by Tolstoy's literature can understand the idealistic and political meaning of the ties that bound Kollontai to Lenin. These "brain" connections are very delicate and generate very special feelings in all of us. 

Le Journal of Paris would publish articles portraying her as a member of Russia's new political leadership.  Referred to as the "Great Triumvirate" this group included Lenin and Trotsky.  Kollontai was so intellectually savvy...she could hold her own and often dominated many discussions.  

Although a committed champion for feminism...This drive, her passionate desire to influence and control outcomes was not limited to her political designs...her personal relationships had always been with men whom she would dominate.  Kollontai's worldly visions and understanding of women's relationship with men would soon be challenged exposing a weakness she would struggle with for years.

Enter Pavel Dybenko

How would this woman of means and political prowess come to fall in love with a peasant: a member of a class beneath her?  A meso-alliance declared by most historians, although Dybenko was a decedent of Polish Noblemen and the legendary Cossack.  A man who held charisma and charm in the palm of his hand.   More importantly Pavel Yefimovitch Dybenko was a respectful strong willed human being.  It is written and well documented Dybenko impressed both foe and friend alike.  Kollontai was not the first woman to desire Dybenko...and Dybenko was not prone to maintain a steady relationship.  Yet the two would enjoy a marriage that lasted for six years and a friendship that lasted many more.   

Dybenko's name first fell on the ears of Kollontai in the spring of 1917...during a meeting of various like minded politicos in St. Petersburg.  Inessa Armand shared with Kollontai she had learned that a sailor named Dybenko had thrown Kerensky overboard referring to an incident aboard the Viola between Kerensky and Tsentrobalt.  As the evening progressed Kollontai recalled the mood of her colleagues as being one of fear and apprehension regarding the activities of Dybenko and the fleet.  And for some reason the thought of this man named Dybenko excited her.     

By the spring of 1917, it was well known throughout Russia that the fleet would be instrumental in helping the powerful reconstitute its managing of Russian society.  As the army was revealed to be used as tool of the Tsar's government by carrying out punitive actions against demonstrating citizens.  It would stand to follow. 

One individual who viewed Dybenko and the sailors differently was Lenin.  Lenin recognizes the might of the Baltic Fleet would be necessary in order to develop his authority.  Lenin was about to find out how powerful the person of Dybenko truly was.

In an entry to her diary after the words "Honey, Honey" Kollontai wrote, "Strange that I never fear for his life. I have one concern to develop a disciplined party member". 

Meanwhile as Lenin and others play chess debating the outcome of Russia's future...real confrontations over representation and freedom with the Tsar's Government; real life and death consequences faced the men; the sailors of the Baltic Fleet.



During such times when Kollontai debates with her male confederates the necessity of recognizing women's issues, their plights... designs on rights and contributions to society;
The Tsar's fleet is freeing itself from ill treatment, condemnation and imprisonment.

Who was Pavel Yefimovitch Dybenko?
An informal Social Democrat?....an ideologue?...a product of Cossack and Russian peasantry.

Pavel Dybenko was granted everything nature could on a Russian man; tall, dark, handsome...with a powerful physique, and healthy...in addition Dybenko possessed the rare ability to not only command an audience but to get them to agree with him as well...

Having distributed anti-Tsar publications throughout his district and moving on to running information during the uprisings in the Starodub and Novozybkov Districts.  Dybenko was arrested and detained twice eventually being released on "no substantial evidence other than breaking curfew".  Although being arrested would include Dybenko being placed on the Okhrana's "list" of undesirables...untrustworthy individuals.  A price he paid for having immersed himself into the world of underground activism.

There are suggestions by many Historians who call into question Dybenko's "trustworthiness" and character.  Using as an example  Dybenko's leaving from his position with the NovoAlexandrov District Clerk's office.  However, it would be Dybenko's name on the Okrana's list that would disqualify him from work...not because he took some rubles...or displayed immoral character flaws.

Working among ex-Baltic Fleet sailors at the docks in Riga...Dybenko furthered his education of revolution while learning of the sailors' historical fight against the Tsar's rule.
The "Revolution from Below" will lay the foundation for hope and expectation of a new dawn.
Pavel Dybenko purposely fails to report to the conscription authorities and with that began his unceremonious induction into the Tsar's fleet.

                                                                                    Pavel Dybenko on right

Under the tutelage of the veteran sailors who had engaged in revolts and history of the development of the sailors into an independent revolutionary body. Pavel Dybenko crystallized the sailors vent up frustrations while ascending to the leadership of the Baltic Fleet, as Chairman of the Central Committee of the Baltic Fleet, or Tsentrobalt in the spring of 1917.

It was under these circumstances that the world of Kollontai & Dybenko would collide...

Helsingfors, Finland...May of 1917, home to the Polar Star, headquarters of Dybenko and the offices of Tsentrobalt.

Lenin recognizes the Baltic Fleet would be needed to develop his authority.  Lenin directs ardent supporters of the Bolshevik doctrine...sending numerous politico's to Helsingfors to develop trust in Lenin; to propagandize on his behalf.  Men of association to Lenin and or the Petrograd Soviet.  Men such as Raskolnikov visits with Dybenko, as well as others such as Izmailov, Malkov, and Antonov Ovseenko.

Antonov Ovseenko and Raskolnikov memorialized in their own words of their perceptions when first meeting with Pavel Dybenko, the Chairman of the Central Committee of the Baltic Fleet, Tsentrobalt.

Antonov Ovseenko recalled, "Dybenko stood out with his completed solidarity, his low voice, confidence in his walk, calm reserved, with black eyes and curly beard--a beautiful fellow, and very businesslike.  He is the Chairman of Tsentrobalt, an old sailor from the flagship".

Lenin also sends in the seductress...Alexandra Kollontai.  The black raven of the Bolshevik hierarchy.

Alexsandra Kollontai enjoyed Lenin's confidence and from 1915 to 1917 (when she joined the Bolshevik Party) she was one of Lenin’s few faithful adherents, and he wrote to her frequently.  

Alexsandra was a beautiful woman and her presence created quite a stir.  “She has the witch’s eye, as the Italians say—large, dark and flashing eyes with effects almost Oriental, emitting something like a spark in moments of excitement.  The brows are perfectly penciled and the lashes hang over with effects almost Oriental.  Her chestnut colored hair is well groomed and abundant.  Her figure, corrected, we read, by a compression of the art of the corsetiere.  All her lines are elegant, like her gestures, and no Parisians ever fitted herself with skirts more clinging than the Kollontai’s.  The nose is just a trifle heavy, and the cheeks are pronounced rather than round.  The neck and shoulders are perfect.  The lady makes a physical impression of largeness rather than of solidarity.  In a word, there is very little of the Russian student type in the aspect of the lady.  She has the Frenchwoman’s instinct for dress”. 

Kollontai’s charge to persuade Dybenko into supporting Lenin began with her appearance in Helsingfors.  and the sailors of the Baltic Fleet against supporting a government’s position  appeared in front of the sailors, spoke on behalf of the Bolshevik position regarding the Freedom Loan and was escorted to the various ships by Dybenko and the leaders of Tsentrobalt  Kollontai also remembered her first meeting with Dybenko...recalling that he was a tall and handsome man who had deep facial features with eyes full of enthusiasm and energy that sparkled on his dark face. Nadyezhda Krupshkaya and Inessa Armand recollected the moment as when Alexsandra Kollontai first fell in love with Pavel Dybenko.

 

In the evening Dybenko was called to the Helsingfors Committee of thew RSDWP that was located in the in Mariyinsky Palace.  The meeting was over but the members of Committee were still there.  Pavel knew everybody except a nice-looking woman that was reading a document.  Boris Zhemchuzhyn introduced her, “This is Kollontai, Alexandra Mihailovna, a member of the Petrograd committee.”  Kollontai stopped reading, shook Dybenko’s hand and said, “You look exactly the way I thought you’d look, comrade Dybenko.  Sit down, we’ll continue our work”.  Kollontai was studying the draft of the resolution that expressed the attitude of Bolsheviks to the so-called “Loan of Freedom”.  The Bolsheviks were against this loan for several reasons:

                   1) this loan would help to continue the imperialistic war

                   2) it would be another burden on people’s shoulders

                   3) they did not trust the Provisional Government with 
                       the funding       

                   4) the money could be acquired from 90% increase in

                       taxing rich capitalists          

Kollontai spoke at the meeting of the Helsingfors Soviet trying to convince everybody that the loan was a mistake.  However, she was not successful.  The Bolsheviks’ resolution failed; Mensheviks’ resolution to approve of the loan received majority of the voices.  The sailors including Dybenko took Kollontai to the railway station.  Dybenko promised that the Tsentrobalt would call off the delegates who voted for that shameful resolution.  Kollontai said it was the right thing to do.  She said she would come back to speak before the sailors. 

Sent to seduce Dybenko into supporting Lenin, Kollontai would be successful...In an entry to her diary after the words "Honey, Honey" Kollontai wrote, "Strange that I never fear for his life. I have one concern to develop a disciplined party member". 

However, Alexandra would fall head over heals for Dybenko, believing she could both control Dybenko's loyalty to the party and enjoy an  interpersonal relationship...a gamble that would diminish her ability to have further influence on Lenin.    

The sailors' had conquered the Tsar's ruthless rule, had stood fast against any intrusions by the Provisional Government...yet Dybenko, smitten with the attention of Kollontai, worked on by Lenin's politicos and assured a place at the table of those who would lead Russia into the future...placed himself, the sailors, and Russia in precarious hands.  

A whirlwind of developments ensue, July Days, imprisonment in Kresty, disbandment of Tsentrobalt, Kornilov's attempts to control political chaos, Dybenko's release, reestablishment of Tsentrobalt and Dybenko as its "natural leader".   Northern Regional Congress declarations, the battle of Moon Sound, the vote for delegates to the Constituent Assembly by the Baltic Fleet, Great October, the Cossacks/Dybenko Accord, the declaration of Premier Kerensky stating Dybenko was his enemy, not Lenin, nor Trotsky, the arrest of Krasnov, the All Russian Naval Congress...

Throughout it all,  Dybenko believed in Kollontai's soft attention and her trust that the undertaking to establish freedom and dignity for those in Russia would be achieved.  Dybenko believing in Kollontai's trust in Lenin would prove to be a fateful decision. 

 

The relationship became fodder for print...from metropolitan Moscow, Paris and Oslo one could read on the subject of the "romance of the revolution" the "hero and heroine of the revolution",...there were posters made of Kollontai and Dybenko standing on the helm of the "Aurora" bringing to pass the dawn of the new era. 

Dybenko was no innocent bystander...getting caught up in the hullabaloo...By his own admission Dybenko would say he had only given in once in his life and that was when the beautiful aristocratic, Mme. Alexsandra Kollontai dragged him into her bed. 

“I was sacked,” he would laugh

Dybenko had great hope that the Russian experience would lead to an idealistic society.   Kollontai often encouraged the belief...the window of opportunity had come and there was nothing that couldn’t be achieved.  The year of 1917 seemed like a great period of freedom, liberation, and hope.

                    

Zeth Hoglund, Helen Green, and Carl Lindhagen...friends of Kollontai's throughout the Social Movement arrived...she was still Minister of Public Welfare and enjoying the status of being Dybenko's woman. 
For the first time in Russia...Dybenko and Kollontai's marriage would be licensed through a public registrar.  The marriage of Dybenko and Kollontai is well known to be the first entry in the Book of Civil Acts of the New Government.  

Shortly thereafter, an event occurred which saw Kollontai's attempt at finding shelter and care for the wounded military men coming home during World War 1 being thwarted...the famous Alexander Nevsky Monastery was chosen to shelter these patriotic souls and as before...under the rule of the Tsar...the good people of Russia and in this case those who would defend the motherland with their lives were...unfortunately turned away by the church!...The priests were more than reluctant...choosing a path of obstruction and denial of the monastery...they began arguing and prevented Kollontai from securing the monastery for the wounded men.  As things were getting out of hand...as the priests became more outspoken in their refusal...Kollontai called upon Dybenko to aid her in calming down the priests...to assure them the monastery was selected as it was empty and of the need for a hospice...for the care of the wounded veterans...Upon Dybenko's arrival...the priests continued with a confrontational view of the whole matter...Heated priests challenged one of Dybenko's sailors...a shot rang out and a priest lie wounded.  Some wrote upon the matter as...Kollontai being an Anti-Christ...others saw the church as unresponsive to the welfare of the countries wounded...either way a path was cleared...the church had long supported the Tsar and his oppressive and murderous tactics to remain in control.  Even in the smallest of villages throughout Russia the Church's priests played a dual role. Often working as an informant for the state police (Okhrana) all the while preaching gods word.  
For the first time in Russia history...and for many reasons...a proposal for the separation of church and state...similar to the doctrine in the United States was considered.

Much to Lenin's chagrin, Dybenko continued supporting the sailor's intentions of a freer society. 

The Subordination of the Sailors would be key to Lenin's taking full control of the government and Lenin's methods would be revealed in January 1918 after Dybenko authored the document entitled "the Democratization of the Fleet".   


Displeased, and in reaction to this document, Lenin puts forth a Draft Decision for the Council of Peoples Commissars on The Order of Subordination of the Baltic and Black Sea Fleets.  Lenin writes: Considering the wording of the note to *51 (The Democritization of the Fleet) to be inexact or based on a misunderstanding, since the text, if taken literally, implies a refusal to recognize the supremacy of the Soviet state authority, the Council of Peoples Commissars asks the Navy's legislative organ to revise the wording of this note.

Excerpt of Dybenko's writing in the document that Lenin reacted so quickly to:

 “All sailors of the Navy have the right to be members of any political, national, religious, economic, or professional organization, society or union.  They have the right, freely and openly, to express and profess by word or mouth, in writing or in print, their political, religious, and other views

Freedom of association, of religion, of press, and speech...these are the views of Dybenko, the ideals the sailors had fought so hard to achieve.

Quite contrary to what Lenin and Trotsky wanted for the Russian public...
                      “What you need is a Labor Army which is submissive to the control of a single leader.   Modern progress and development requires the mass of the population to subordinate themselves to a single leader in a disciplined workforce.”

With the sailors not responding to the orders of Trotsky and due to the confrontation between Dybenko and Lenin...Kollontai would become exhausted.  

She favored maintaining Party Control and advocated change had to come form within...she somehow still believed there would be room for discussion...debate on various considerations including the Treaty, Labor, and Woman's Emancipation.  Kollontai sided against Lenin regarding the Treaty of Brest Litovsk...Dybenko and others such as Bukharin and Radek dissented and published a periodical entitled "The Communist" whereupon writings of the dissenting view could be made public.... 

Lenin wrote, “Since the conclusion of the Brest peace, some comrades who call themselves “Left Communists” have formed an “Opposition” in the Party, and in consequence of this their activity is slipping further and further towards a completely disloyal and impermissible violation of Party discipline. These are absolutely disloyal, uncomradely actions that violate Party discipline, and such behavior was and remains a step towards a split on the part of the above-mentioned comrades.

The climax of the showdown between Lenin and Dybenko ends in the disparaging and discrediting of Dybenko...during the events of what would become known as February 23rd, 1918.

                        In a "secret" document sent to Cheka's head Felix Dzerzhinsky, 

Lenin describes dark shadows having fallen on Dybenko. Detailing very grave accusations concerning the military operations at Narva and the fight against the German troops. Lenin asks Dzerzhinsky to immediately detain Dybenko and to inform him when he was in custody.  Lenin felt compelled to further instruct to keep the matter "top secret". 

Dybenko is arrested; At first for his opposition to the Treaty of Brest Litovsk then ostensibly for his actions surrounding Narva.  Dybenko's sailors demand his release...threaten to bombard the Kremlin...threaten to do away with Leinin and others...Kollontai is livid...Krylenko prepares the untruthful and false indictment against Dybenko entitled Protocol 82...

Kollontai wrote many letters to Dybenko in the prison:

 “ All my soul, my heart, my thoughts, everything is with you and for you, my darling, my beloved. I want you to know that I can live and will live only with you. Without you my life is dead and unbearable. You must be proud of yourself and confident. You can hold your head straight as no slander will ever mar your beautiful, pure and noble character”.

Attache to the French Military adviser,  Lt. Jacques Sadoul observed: 

       "I noticed the stress and anxieties of the last six months have taken a toll on the once vibrant and beautiful Alexsandra.  She was on her way to the Kremlin with food for her husband, and as Sadoul accompanied her, Kollontai shared that she was worried for Dybenko, having been arrested and for the fact he stood the possibility of being executed right away.   Dzerzhinsky threatened Kollontai, demands her to calm the sailors otherwise he may have to take drastic action...and by that he meant execution of Dybenko...

Kollontai did not escape the wrath of Lenin for her support of Dybenko.

Lenin told Alexsandra’s good friend Clara Zetkin that he;

           "wouldn't bet on the reliability of those women who confuse their personal romances with politics"

Louise Bryant, the American journalist who had become friendly with Kollontai, wrote that many Bolsheviks "looked with disapproving eyes upon Kollontai's infatuation for Dybenko”

Dybenko was not without supporters. The sailors had issued warnings...in the event Dybenko is not returned to the fleet...they will bombard the Kremlin and dispose of Lenin and Trotsky  

Kollontai wrote a letter to Dybenko on February 7 and 8 1922...

Its late at night around 6am where are you Pavluysha where are you my close friend?            And yet so far away right now…is it possible that your heart, your love for me doesn’t tell you how hard is it to listen hour after hour to the steps in the corridor

I know the night is almost gone and we have so few of them Pavluysha.                        Night isn’t only for kisses…the value isn’t in the kisses for us.                                               But in the communication of the heart that is so valuable for both of us 

The night is passing but, in my soul, there is only cold.                                                          I am lonely… horribly in pain.                                                                                        Where are you?  Why don’t you appreciate the hours that we could have together?

No, I know I trust in your love in its depth I know that I am closer and more precious to you than anyone else in the world and precisely for this reason because we mean so much to each other I write this letter. 

I don’t want the pain that lurches me now to happen again my kind Pavluysha.  I love our great and beautiful love too much not to want to keep it.  But I know the loves of love too well and that harm will always leave a trace.  That is why I am writing to you my beloved sweetness, my big boy.

 I am in pain Pavluysha I suffer so I can leave when you leave and I don’t know where you go … the most painful is not knowing what keeps you away from me…I think and I think …in the long night hours the imagination works feverishly I start guessing… making suppositions

What would you say Pavluysha if I acted in such a manner? After a day or two started mysteriously disappearing for a night? For half a night?  Just imagine this and maybe you will then understand my struggle.  

Where are you?                                                                                                                           There are two options, either at the club with friends or else there is another love interest, some flirt Pavluysha dear you should understand that I know too much about life and psychology to suffer. If I heard directly from you that yes now you have a flirt what will that be? Special? Unusual? would it take away your love or lessen it? of course not! understand Pavluysha that will not affect me.  But that you may be constructing a plot with strangers a secret agreement secret from me this is really painful

I note the fact that women are fascinated by you are you like it!  Let them be smitten by my beautiful Pavel I know you are mine… I note the fact your physical needs might push you to it...all of that is understandable and thus not to want to touch me is painful. Pavluysha, I fear this is why you avoid telling me directly.  Pavluysha, I know a few women and right now one interests me, amuses me I am going to her don’t wait for me I will be back in the morning.  

But you are in my heart I will smile and feel your trust in me and it will light the agreement, the love between us two and not some lady stranger. Yet that is not how it is now you live secretly like a thief and your remain silent as for me I don’t ask questions and I suffer by myself and you know it and our suffering grows. 

...

April 1923, ibid., 1:108. Dybenko was living with a young woman, the immediate cause of Kollontai's decision to end their marriage. In a letter to her friend Zoia Shadurskaia, Kollontai reported that Dybenko, unbeknownst to her, had used Kollontai's name to request women's clothing from Narkomprod (Commissariat of Supply) in order to provide for his young lover. Never had she been so angry in her life, Kollontai wrote. She had always u-ied to protect Dybenko but not now. Diary entry, 20 October 1923, ibid., 1:59-60. See letter to M. N. Kisliakova, 28 May 1924, in which Kollontai talks about her pain over the end of her marriage, in Kollontai, “Revoliutsiia- Velikaia Mialezhnilsa,” 189. On the same theme of suffering and seeking healing in work, see undated letter to Shadurskaia, quoted in Itkina, A. M., Revoliutsioner, Tribun, Diplomat (Moscow, 1970), 194                         

In Oslo, Chemist Vladimir N. Ipatieff recalled he had met with Kollantai, whom he had known long before the Revolution.  She was assistant to Surists, later succeeded him as ambassador to Norway, and still later became ambassador to Sweden.  Her former husband Dybenko, who was then commander of an army corps in the USSR, was also in Oslo.  He and she were still friends; evidently he still had great respect for her.  He impressed me as a rather pleasant, unassuming man.  I had no way of judging his military qualities, although he had gone through the Academy of the General Staff.  During the several days I spent in Oslo, I dined with them, went to the theater, and witnessed some winter sports.