Great October Series:
Alexander Kerensky and Pavel Dybenko in the Russian Revolution
Presented to and for the:
Presented to and for the:
Study Group on the Russian Revolution
XXXVII Annual Conference
University of Glasgow, Glasgow, Scotland
January 6-8, 2011
January 6-8, 2011
Interest in the relationship involving
Alexander Kerensky and Pavel Dybenko originated with Kerensky’s statement to
General Krasnov as negotiations between Dybenko and the Cossacks were
concluding in the lower levels of the Gatchina Palace.
Historical record corroborates
Kerensky in conversation with Krasnov declaring that Dybenko was/is his
enemy.
Why
Dybenko...why not Lenin’s men...or Trotsky’s forces? There had to be a basis, a history between the
distinguished Kerensky and the notable Dybenko which would explain Kerensky’s statement.
I embarked upon an
investigation in which the results revealed a seven month relationship forever historically
linking the two beginning in the spring of 1917.
Kerensky and Dybenko in the spring of
1917
The source for the interaction
between Dybenko and Kerensky came as a result of the formation of Tsentrobalt,
the sailor’s soviet. With Pavel Dybenko
in its leadership the sailors create one of Russia’s most democratic freely
elected bodies. Fashioned from the ships
crews and including naval units of its bases, Tsentrobalt would become the path
from which the sailors’ political views and activity would be formulated. As Dybenko declared in April of 1917:
The Helsingfors Soviet, with Mensheviks
in the majority, sanctioned the project and urged all fleet committees to send
their representatives to Helsingfors: to provide assistance for Tsentrobalt. Sailors’ Representatives from all the bases made
their way to Helsingfors to support Tsentrobalt including Raskolinikov who came
from Kronshtadt and wrote admirably of his first impressions of its leader.
The first plenary sessions of the
newly formed Tsentrobalt resulted in the Russian Baltic fleet announcing it will
recognize the authority of the new Provisional Government and would abide by
its orders. This declaration was
received well as many among those in power had reservations the Baltic fleet
would not bow to the authority of the new government.
One of the chief figures in the
Provisional Government at the time was Minister of Justice Alexander Kerensky. Kerensky does not recognize Tsentrobalt as a
lawful organization. Kerensky holds a great deal of power, is known as an
intellectual politician and trusted among many members of the Duma. Pavel Dybenko with a small group of delegates
goes to Petrograd and meets with Kerensky in
order to establish its legitimacy. It is
at this meeting that Pavel Dybenko and the leaders of Tsentrobalt demonstrate
to the Minister of Justice the fleet will indeed fully support the Provisional
Government. Accordingly, Kerensky gives
the order to legalize Tsentrobalt.
Back in Helsingfors and during additional
meetings of the sailor’s delegates, Pavel Dybenko presents to the sailors
Tsentrobalt’s charter including a rough draft of his report “The Relationship between Tsentrobalt and the
Fleet Headquarters”. The not yet completed document declared that
Tsentrobalt will maintain the right to control the internal activities of the
fleet.
Commander in Chief of the Baltic
Fleet Admiral Maksimov chooses to cooperate with Tsentrobalt; and as a result
of this cooperation, a Helsingfors dispatch is sent to the allied fleets,
saying that the Baltic fleet was in complete readiness to fight to the last in
defense of free Russia. It was widely speculated the events of February
provided Russia’s
enemies with opportunity to circulate reports the Baltic Fleet was disorganized
and incapable of fighting. The
Helsingfors dispatch included word that the sailors were cooperating fully with
their officers.[ii]
As World War I continued rumors of a possible
German landing in the Finnish Gulf concern
the Provisional Government. The Russian
Government decides to send Minister of Justice Kerensky to the bases of the
Baltic Fleet in order to ascertain the fleets fighting capabilities.
“The
object of my journey is to investigate the condition and capacity for defense
of the Baltic fleet, of course, there are some insignificant difficulties, but
they are inevitable after such a colossal upheaval as has taken place in Russia. Nevertheless, the preparations for defense
are quite complete. All vessels are in
splendid condition and perfect readiness for fighting. The sailors fully realize the seriousness of
the situation and the responsibility to defend the country or die. All rumors
of weakening of the Baltic fleet are quite unfounded. Such rumors are purposely spread by the
enemies of liberty.”
Kerensky also declared:
“I say that Russia
is now the freest state, the Russian
fleet the freest one”
Prior to Kerensky’s arrival, he
and the Provisional Government were made aware of and were not pleased with
Dybenko’s draft for the Charter of Tsentrobalt. Furthermore the Minister of Justice, in
addition with members of the Naval Ministry, is in disagreement with Admiral
Maksimov’s approval. Consequently,
Kerensky moves to replace Admiral Maksimov with an appointment of a new
Commander, Admiral Verderevsky. As a
result of this action Dybenko, together with delegates of Tsentrobalt, issue a
formal protest against the appointment of Verderevsky. Kerensky and Verderevsky refuse to sign the
sailors Charter. Tsentrobalt’s delegates maintain they will still apply it
until the All-Russian Navy Congress.
This first “disagreement” sets the stage for Kerensky’s arrival in
Helsingfors.
As Kerensky is due to arrive in Helsingfors, local
politicians, belonging to the majority at the Helsingfors Soviet were preparing
a grand reception for him; one which was to be concluded with a military parade
in his honor. However aboard the ship “Viola” other plans were being made. After learning of the Helsingfors Soviets
intentions; deliberating members of Tsentrobalt, Dybenko in agreement, issue an
order canceling the official reception and parade. By taking this action Tsentrobalt was
encouraging the sailors of all ships to be very reserved in greeting
Kerensky.
Contentions continue between Kerensky and Dybenko. The former calling on the sailors to greet
Kerensky aboard the officer’s ship the Krechet
and the latter demanding the legal right of institution whose protocol required
Kerensky to address the sailors aboard the Viola.
“…We were
all exhausted by the long wait for the minister. Finally, the phone rang I answered it. There
was Kerensky’s secretary on line. He said that Kerensky ordered all of
Tsentrobalt to show up at “Krechet” by 4 PM. But I told him that Tsentrobalt is
an institution and the minister is supposed to come over, not the other way
round. Besides we have many urgent and pressing matters to solve. We ask the
minister to come over instead.”
Minister Kerensky finally agreed; with entourage he arrives
at the Viola for the anticipated
meeting with the sailors. On board,
Dybenko greets Kerensky and introduces him to the sailors as the People’s
Minister of War. Kerensky addressed the
sailors with a long speech he had prepared.
As Kerensky continued his speech some of the sailors began to feel
restless and impatient. One of the
sailors, Khorvin, a member of Tsentorbalt’s governing body, interrupted
Kerensky by shouting,
“We are
here to solve some urgent issues and not to listen to long speeches, and we
believe the Minister should go directly to the real matters”.
The sailors in the crowd roared
approval, they preferred Kerensky address specific matters regarding current
events such as the war, minister’s pensions, and other decisions made by the
government. Kerensky abruptly looked
upon Dybenko to calm the mood and Pavel immediately stands to address the
matter. As chairman, Dybenko with a wry
smile on his face chastised Khorvin for interrupting the Minister. Kerensky was taken aback, not pleased with
the sarcastic reprimand, he began to collect his papers. With agitation in his words, Kerensky
suggested to Dybenko the whole staff of Tsentrobalt should be
reconsidered. Furthermore he declined to
reply and answer the questions put to him by those he considered his
inferior. In response, Dybenko and
Tsentrobalt declare the minister’s explanations ’unsatisfactory.” An eerie silence fell about the ship.
Kerensky feeling insulted gathers himself and with his
associates makes way to leave the ship. While
departing Kerensky was overheard telling one of his associates through clenched
teeth, the sailors were nothing more than “Slaves in revolt!" Having heard this, a couple of the sailors
responded with an emotion of pride.
"Yes, we were slaves and we
have revolted!"
Alexsandra Kollontai
remembers talk among the intellectuals, as
“The defenders were afraid of Pavel Dybenko.”
Pavel
Dybenko considered the events in early 1917 to be a historical time bringing to
the surface repressed emotions coupled with complexities and understandings of
past confrontations with the authorities.
In his memoirs, Dybenko spoke of the fleet and its standing. Many historians have quoted Dybenko
regarding his statement of the sailors being pace setters amidst the revolution
but few have quoted his account in its entirety which includes the sailors’
independent authority
“It
always seemed to a sailor that he was above a soldier or a worker and
consequently this is his duty to be always in the vanguard. This was the way they understood their
tasks. Self-esteem was often pushing the
sailor to the places where the resistance would be the maximum. Our small group formed of this type of sailors
was perfectly aware of that and this was the reason why the sailors
successfully managed to concentrate power at their hands. It is common belief that the Provisional
government lost its authority over the Baltic Fleet only at the end of
September 1917 but that is wrong. The
authority of the Provisional government over the Baltic Fleet was lost in fact
back in April 1917. The fleet was living
its own separate life, went its own way notwithstanding government policy and
even though there were some hesitations they do not contradict the fact the
actual power over the Baltic Fleet was lost by the government already in April.”
This view of independence as Dybenko understood
the Baltic Fleet to have would result in following confrontations with
Alexander Kerensky as the events of the following months will reveal.
Kerensky and Dybenko in “July Days 1917”
In late June of 1917…the sailors’ new found sovereignty creates
unusual dilemmas.
The sailors of the Petropavlosk
are up in arms and independent of Tsentrobalt send an ultimatum to the
Provisional Government and the Naval Ministry which includes demands for
members of the ministry be removed, governing bodies such as the State Council
and State Duma abolished, and agreements of all secret treaties with regard to
the war be published. If these demands
were not met the Petropavlosk,
the resolution stated, would sail to Petrograd
and bombard the town.
In Petrograd, demonstrations
by residents and workers in protest of the failed actions of the Provisional
Government are scheduled. Many in the
government blame the Bolsheviks for provoking the demonstrations. Kerensky and his advisers are apprehensive of
the navy, it was their understanding the fleet was now unreliable and may
facilitate a disaster out of an already tenuous situation. In reaction to all this, Kerensky decides to
do many things and one was to meet with Assistant Minister of the Navy Dudorov
and have him control the activities of the fleet.
With Kerensky’s approval, Assistant Minister of
the Navy Dudorov completes a secret dispatch to Admiral Verderevsky with
instructions for the fleet. The secret
orders are intercepted by sailors and given to Tsentrobalt personnel who send
them on directly to Dybenko. On July 4th,
Dybenko, at a session of Tsentrobalt aboard the Polar Star, reads the orders received by Verderevsky and signed by
the Asst. Minister of the Navy Dudorov.
The first called on Admiral Verderevsky to send four destroyers to Petrograd
to prevent by force the landing of sailors from the side of Kronshtadt; the
second demanded Verderevsky should not on any pretext allow the departure of
ships from Helsingfors to Kronshtadt, and if necessary, without fail sink insubordinate
ships with submarines.
Dybenko saw the telegram as a threat to the control of
Tsentrobalt. Kerensky and his
Provisional Government had disregarded Tsentrobalts legal authority. This telegram was met with a passing of a
resolution calling for the removal of Kerensky from command, the arrest of
Naval Minister Dudorov, and for the transfer of power from the Provisional
Government to the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. Tsentrobalts’ resolution is signed by its
Chairman Dybenko and it is agreed upon to send a delegation of sailors to Petrograd to have the
resolution read to the joint session of the Executive Committee.
A delegation consisting of sixty-seven sailors took to Petrograd aboard the Orpheus. Trouble raises its head right away as the
crew learns they are ordered not to disembark.
A telegram is sent to Dybenko aboard the Polar Star describing the events as they unfold. In reaction, Dybenko with other elected
delegates leave Helsingfors for Petrograd
aboard the torpedo boat the “Gremyaschiy”
in order to personally deliver the resolution as agreed by the united meeting
of Tsentrobalt. It would not be until
the next day that the delegation of sailors representing Tsentrobalt and its
resolutions would be admitted to a joint session of the Executive
Committees. The sailors’ presence made necessary the
Executive Committees’ spokesman Voitinsky to declare that armored cars were
available in support and an order was dispatched to certain units (on the
front) to make their way to Petrograd in order to defend against any “danger”
threatening the revolution
Undaunted, the sailor’s presented their resolution
to an uninspired audience…the Executive Committee; not prepared to take on such
an enormous responsibility maintained their confidence in the Provisional
Government and denounced the sailors as rebels, as counter-revolutionists,
stabbing in the back the gains of the revolution.
Subsequently and in response, a special resolution by the
Executive Committee solemnly declared its solidarity with Alexander Kerensky
and Asst. Minister Dudorov.
Kerensky and the Provisional Government act with haste. The next day the whole sailors’ delegation was
arrested, including their Chairman and leader Pavel Dybenko. Furthermore, the
Provisional Governments disciplinary hand reaches out to Admiral Verderevsky
who had been summoned to the capitol to explain matters.
Meanwhile, in Helsingfors, the sailors learn of the
arrests of Dybenko and other members of Tsentrobalt. One organization, ‘The Sailors Section of the
Helsingfors Soviet’, as a reply to Kerensky and the Provisional Governments
measures, made declarations in protest of these actions. Unlike Tsentrobalt, the ‘Section’ was overtly
political.
It defended the Bolshevik newspaper Priboi (the
voice of revolutionary democracy) and supported Pavel Dybenko ‘a worthy,
honest, and steadfast freedom fighter…the spokesman of the whole mass of the
Baltic Fleet.
On July 7th
Kerensky lashed out against the Fleet for actions he saw as harmful and
unlawful. Kerensky considers the opportunity to set
matters straight after having been
Naval
investigator, Colonel Shubin to oversee an investigation and present his
findings to
a panel
of members to be named from the Navy Ministry and other seated members of
Government. Kerensky went further ordering Tsentrobalt to
be dissolved, demanding the
sailors
drive out from their minds suspicious people, like Pavel Dybenko who called for
disobedience
to the Provisional Government.
Moreover,
Kerensky called upon the sailors of Kronshtadt, and on the ships
Petropavlovsk, Respublika,
and Slava ‘whose names have been stained by counter
revolutionary
actions and resolutions’) to arrest the’ instigators’, demanding they send
them to Petrograd within 24 hours; in addition the sailors were
ordered to immediately
declare their
subordination to the Provisional Government.
Concluding the inquiry four days later on July
11th, naval investigator, Colonel Shubin, offers his findings
against 15 members of Tsentrobalt, including Dybenko. Colonel Shubin accused the Tsentrobalt
Chairman and others of causing the orders of the government to be
disobeyed. Colonel Shubin condemned and alleged
the insubordination resulted in blocking the dispatch of four destroyers, of
releasing a distorted interpretation of the secret telegram, and of inciting
the members of Tsentrobalt on board the Polar
Star to order the dismissal of Onipko and the arrest of Dudorov.
Furthermore, Tsentrobalt was accused of
provoking a blatant uprising against the Provisional Government by fostering
rebellion among the crews on the ships at Helsingfors. Colonel Shubin maintained the aforementioned
treasonous activities guided the fleet in opposing the sending of armed forces
to Petrograd at the demand of the Provisional
Government. Pavel Dybenko and other
sailors of Tsentrobalt were remanded to the infamous Kresty Prison.
Accordingly, Colonel Shubins’ findings and Kerensky’s
directives allow for Asst. Navy Minister Dudorov to order the arrest of more
sailors accused of having ties with Bolshevik and Social Revolutionists
sympathies. Lastly, Dudorov advises the
authorities to shut down four newspapers, one of which was Volna favoring the views of Tsentrobalt.
Premier Kerensky sanctioned
repressive measures against all dissenters and those not loyal in order to
restore discipline. The newspapers
on the following Monday announced that Rear Admiral Verdervesky, commander of
the Baltic fleet had been arrested for communicating a secret government
telegram to Tsentrobalt. In his place,
Rear Admiral Razvovozoff has been appointed commander in chief of all the
Russian naval forces in the Baltic.
Meanwhile, in Helsingfors, the remaining sailors of
Tsentrobalt discuss the situation of the arrested delegations in Petrograd. Some
of the delegations like the one of Admiral Verderevsky were already released
and it was learned they had demanded an open trial. Upon his release, Admiral Verderevsky suggested
to fleet personnel that Dybenko should demand an open trial if he considered
himself not guilty. Tsentrobalts’
Chairman was still remanded in Kresty Prison though, while Kerensky’s
government counter-intelligence department continued to investigate his role in
the matter.
On July 27th the sailors were to
experience a dark day. The men of the
warships Slava, Respublika, and Petropavlovsk
involved in the recent opposition are in low spirits and offer up their loyalty
as Kerensky had previously ordered.
Included in the previous order was the dissolution of Tsentrobalt and
consequently, later in the day, aboard the yacht Polar Star, a solemn group of sailors witness the lowering of
Tsentrobalt’s flag.
The July trials between Kerensky’s Provisional Government
and Dybenko’s Tsentrobalt were a unique and separate affair. The organization named Tsentrobalt promoted
the ideals of the revolution and its sailors were described as being completely
patriotic revolutionists. Tsentrobalt
based their movement upon the ideals which rejected authoritative
administrations and held the position of “inclusion” close to its hearts.
It is important to note that when Tsentrobalt
called upon the Executive Committee to take power the intellectual and
political body by all accounts was not a Bolshevik led majority. Marking the third time in historical record
that Tsentrobalt demonstrated the desire to confer authority to the enlightened
minorities. Expressing the view these intellectuals owed responsible
duties towards the people; the sailors by their actions confirmed they held faith
in the intellectual elite and in idealism. .
Even so, as a result of the happenings of July,
Kerensky acquires dominance over the workmen’s and soldiers committees, and is
deemed Napoleon over Russia.
His decisions go unquestioned and the
committees make no attempt to oppose his decrees. Accordingly, his command of the provisional
government becomes supreme.
Kerensky and Dybenko Fall of 1917
Changes occur quickly in Russia as
witnessed during the Moscow Conference in August. Alexander
Kerensky detects the mood of the government moving to the right as ministers
refer to the rumored demonstrations of discontent among the peoples in Petrograd. Members
of the Government call on General Lars Kornilov to stabilize the state of
affairs; to have his troops move toward Petrograd
and ensure order.
Kornilov declares, “…it is time to put an end
to all the disorder. Time to hang the
German agents and spies…to chase away the Council of Workers and Soldiers’
Deputies scatter them far and wide, so that they never are able to come
together again. If I do not come to an
agreement with Kerensky and Savinkoff, I may have to deal the blow to the
Bolsheviks without their consent. I only
wish to Save Russia”
Current events are happening at rapid pace for Kerensky; as
Kornilov is gathering troops
south of Petrograd in preparation to advance…the German Navy
is about to bombard and invade Riga. Premier Kerensky needs to gather all
supporters in defense of his authority and of course Russia. The leaders in the Naval Ministry promise
support for Kerensky and his government in exchange for the release of Pavel
Dybenko, from Kresty Prison along with other sailor’s detained due to the July
events. Upon hearing he would be
released, Dybenko was said to have told Raskolnikov that,
“Kerensky was crazy for letting us go free”
Subsequently, the fleet issues a statement in
support of Kerensky and his Provisional Government. A dispatch received in London and
signed by the Russian Prime Minister, stated the entire Baltic Fleet, together
with its staff officers, has unanimously placed itself on the side of the
Provisional Government.
The “Kornilov Affair” as judged by many
historians ended without a shot fired.
Many citizens, workers, and military personnel of Petrograd went
south to meet the approaching forces of Kornilov. This group of brave men and women implored
Kornilov’s men to stand down: to not engage in bloodshed. Albert Rhys Williams recalled the events in
his “Through the Revolution”…. With the
big sailor Dybenko leading, they drove headlong into the midst of
Kornilov’s soldiers exhorting them not to advance. They put fear of the Revolution into the
hearts of the Whites and the fire and zest of the Revolution into the blood of
their fellow Reds.”
After the “Kornilov Affair” had concluded, back
in Helsingfors, a meeting took place between delegates from different units in
Kronshtadt and Helsingfors urging Pavel Dybenko and others to call another
Congress with the purpose to re-elect Tsentrobalt. In a short two months the flag of
Tsentrobalt, under Pavel Dybenko’s leadership, was once again raised aboard the
Polar Star and a special commission
was formed to organize the Congress. Pavel
Dybenko was selected to lead the commission.
The restless situation in Petrograd and the instability
of the Provisional Government would result in another dispute between Premier Kerensky
and Tsentrobalt Chairman Dybenko. This
incident, rather small, mushroomed into an unnecessary test of wills. In mid September, Tsentroflot expanded its
quarters in the Naval Ministry to include an apartment belonging to the naval
chief of staff, Captain Vsevolod Egorev.
Kerensky via his “Directorate”
reacted with surprising severity ordering that Tsentroflot be dissolved and a
new election of its staff be held. Admiral
Razvozov would also be called to give evidence to the account by the Minister of
the Navy Admiral Verderevsky.
Admiral Razvozov responded to the ministry’s
request; attempting to dismiss the whole
event as a minor misunderstanding One of little concern, Razvozov believed, to
a fleet
session
of Tsentrobalt in conjunction with the Sailors’ Assembly of the
Helsingfors
Soviet and the representatives of eighty ships’
committees respond to the governments
decisions and debated the dissolution along
with other concerns for many hours under
the
chairmanship of Pavel Dybenko.
As a result of this plenary meeting the Tsentrobalt protested against the
decision of the
Provisional government to disband the Central
Committee of All-Russian Navy
(Tsentroflot). Moreover,
decisions regarding political and service concerns were
made: the
sailors intention to have the Provisional Government approve
Tsentobalt’s newest charter, address the
question of disarmament of the detained sailors
in July, and to challenge the current demands
of the Provisional Government to disarm
the sailors of Kronshtadt.
In addition, another decision by Premier Kerensky
to declare the name of the Russian Empire change to the Russian Republic
resulted in 20 ships raising red flags until the word “Democratic” be included i.e.
“the Russian Democratic Republic”. The
congress also introduced the office of commissars on the ships. All commissars
together with the officer on duty and the ship commander were to openly read
all the radiograms and encrypted messages from the government.
Internal strife aside, Russian intelligence maintains
warnings of impending aggression by the Germans toward the Baltic port of Riga. The advance of Germans on the Moon Sound
isles with more than 300 ships and 25,000 troops interrupted the work of the
congress. Admiral Razvozov the fleet commander appeared at the 2nd
Congress in order to appeal for assistance.
According to Dybenko, he assured the Admiral the congress would be
supportive and that “in battle your order is law”
The need to postpone the congress is
unavoidable. Chairman, Pavel Dybenko signs
the resolutions as agreed upon by the delegates of the 2nd Congress
of the Baltic Fleet and finishes drawing up its new charter. Preparations to meet the German fleet begin.
Three days later on the 29th, news
correspondents reported, the Second Congress of delegates to the Baltic Fleet
and its resolutions drew the attention of the Russian Military Officials who
were acknowledging serious disorder among the sailors of the Baltic Fleet. Tsentrobalt had, according to reports of the
provisional government, sent a series of preposterous demands. In reply, Minister of the Navy Verderevsky
promptly sent back word that the provisional government would not consider for
a moment granting the committee’s demands.
He declared that the government would combat with all its power the
slightest attempt at sowing new distrust among the sailors. Furthermore, he decreed the dissolution of
Tsentrobalt and ordered new elections.
Any agitation, the minister asserted, in the Baltic fleet against the
commanders will be regarded as treason.
News outlets around the world reported the
provisional government claimed it had just crushed in its incipiency new
seditious and mutinous agitations among the ranks of the Baltic fleet. The demoralization of the fleet, Minister
Verderevsky asserted, had progressed simultaneously with the demoralization of
the army, and the results have been visible for weeks. The murder of officers, the open defiance of
naval orders, and the orders of the Provisional Government by Tsentrobalt, the
Baltic Fleet Committee, these were some of the outward indications of the
destruction of the Baltic Fleet.
In reply to Kerensky’s and his ministers statements,
Dybenko sends a telegram to Minister of the Navy Admiral Verderevsky
encouraging him to submit only truthful information to the newspapers.
Kerensky does not give in; he rebukes
Tsentrobalt’s actions and demands cessation of what is now declared as, “Acts
of Violence on the Baltic Ships”.
Premier Kerensky sends a telegram to the
Baltic Fleet demanding the cessation of acts of violence and all other excesses
committed under the pretext of safeguarding the revolution. In reality, he says, the men by their actions
are disorganizing the navy by reducing its fighting capacity. The Premier condemns the guilty parties: Dybenko,
Tsentrobalt, the second congress; scathingly and with little patients he adds
that he awaits news of the complete re-establishment of order.
The sailors of the Baltic fleet ignored the
protestations of Kerensky. At the end
of the day it became clear that Pavel Dybenko and Tsentrobalt’s power triumphed
in the Baltic fleet as demonstrated by a resolution passed at the
sailors congress,
We demand the
immediate removal from the ranks of the Provisional Government of the
“Socialist,” the political adventurer Kerensky, as one who is scandalizing and
ruining the Great Revolution, and with it the revolutionary masses, by his shameless
political blackmail in behalf of the bourgeoisie.
Even though involved in a power struggle with the
government; the sailors put aside their aspirations and devoted all their
energies to the preparations for defense.
The sailors were eager to take the ships out to meet and fight the German
enemy in the open seas. The unanimity of
the fleet will assuredly have a braving affect on the sailors of the Baltic
Fleet.
“Reports that the fleet is not ready to meet
the enemy are untrue,” replied Cap. M. Ivanoff, “The fleet is full of fighting
ardor and is ready to repel the enemy.
Stories of evil influence exerted by the sailors’ committee are greatly
exaggerated. The near future will show
how honorably the fleet will fulfill its duty to the country.”
Kerensky sees things differently and in an
attempt to encourage the fleet declared,
“If
mutinous sailors can be quelled and discipline and fighting spirit restored,
the Russian fleet could effectually hamper—perhaps prevent—operations by a
German fleet in the Baltic”.
Tsentrobalts
Chairman declared, “we
consider it our duty to defend Petrograd. We will fulfill our
self-imposed obligation. Not because of
the request of a pitiful Russian Bonaparte (Kerensky) who retains power simply
because of the unlimited patience of the Russian Revolution. Nor because of the treaties made by our
government with the Allies, treaties intended to smother the Russian
Revolution. We follow the call of
our revolutionary sentiment.
As the battle with the Germans ensued Tsentrobalts’
views toward Kerensky continued;
To thee, Kerensky, who has betrayed the
revolution, we send curses. At the
moment when our comrades, stricken down by shells and bullets, and drowning in
the Gulf of Riga, are calling us to the defense of the revolution; at this
moment when we all, as one man, are ready to lay down our lives for freedom,
ready to die in open fight on the sea and with the external foe and on the
barricades with the internal enemy, we are sending to thee, Kerensky and to thy
friends, curses for thy appeals, by which thou art endeavoring to disintegrate
the forces of the fleet in this fearful hour for the country and the
revolution.
The Battle of Moon Sound concluded with the
Germans successfully completing landing operations on Oesel Island. Although having “lost” the battle, it was
understood the Russian fleet and its sailors had more than held its own. Count Kapnist, Admiral Bakhireff, and even
Admiral Vederevsky all spoke of the battle recalling the great heroism the sailors
displayed and testified to the gallantry of the crews who took part in the
engagement. The Russian Admiralty sent
messages saying the sailors had more than given good account of themselves and
had fought with honor and bravery.
Asked to explain why the Baltic sailors showed such close
cooperation with their officers during the battle of Moon Sound, Tsentrobalts
Pavel Dybenko stated the control over operational matters was firmly in the
hands of the sailors themselves. The
Moon Sound operations had been considered successful, because the losses on the
German side had been much greater than those suffered by the Russians
Of course, Kerensky views the outcome
differently, he blamed the Baltic Fleet and stated that if it wasn’t for lack
of discipline the sailors might have prevented the Germans from seizing the
isles.
“It is
clear that the failure of the entire Russian Baltic Fleet to put in an
appearance when the strength of the German force under Vice-Admiral Schmidt
became known at Petrograd was the primary cause of the loss of the islands in
the Gulf of Riga.
A couple of old battleships with the assistance of a flotilla of
destroyers and gunboats could not be expected even with the display of the most
stubborn courage to withstand the formidable squadrons by which they were
opposed”.
Kerensky
continued with his negative analysis.
“That this little division of the Russian
fleet sacrificed itself in an attempt to delay the victory of the enemy is a
high tribute to its gallantry and patriotism.
That is was not reinforced from the fleet in the Gulf of Finland with
ships which should be capable of more effective resistance and the possibility
of defeating the enemy’s object, was due, it must be supposed, to the loss of
discipline brought about by the revolution.
Kerensky further stated the sailors were to be honored for valor and
bravery although in his opinion, the sailors’ actions were bolstered by their
need to redeem themselves from the unenviable notoriety they had earned in the
disorders of July.
Tsentobalts’ Dybenko responded to Kernsky’s statement
saying in part that the sailors fought not because they wanted to expiate their
guilt before the Government, as Kerensky seemed to imagine, but because they
were defending the Revolution and all it stood for with all their might.
Soon after, a gathering of Petrograd’s
political intellectuals named The Congress of Soviets of the Northern Region
was held at Petrograd in
early October. Dr. Alexander Rabinowitch
wrote the Congress was for the most part a thundering, highly visible
expression of ultra radical sentiment.[1] Others
say the Congress was a more polished and better-delivered presentation of “All
Power to the Soviets”: the message the sailors of Tsentrobalt tried to
communicate in July. There were
similarities, in both circumstances: Kerensky was called upon to resign and the
request for control of government transfer into the responsible hands of the
All Russian Executive Committee of Soviets of Workers and Soldiers Deputies, with
promise the fleet would safeguard the move.
There were differences as well, at this time the Executive Committee was
dominated by Bolsheviks.
Pavel Dybenko speaking to the delegates assuring that the
fleet would safe guard the revolution.
…The Russian Fleet has always stood in the front lines of
the Revolution. The names of its sailors
are written in the book of the history of the struggle against Tsarism. In the earliest days of the Revolution the
sailors marched in the front ranks, our ultimate aim being deliverance from all
misery. And this life and death struggle
with our own oppressors gives us the right to appeal to you, proletarians of
all countries, with a strong voice against the exploiters. Break the chains, you who are oppressed! Rise in revolt! We have nothing to lose but our chains! We believe in the victory of the Revolution,
we are full of this belief. We know that
our comrades in the Revolution will fulfill their duty on the barricades to the
bitter end. We know that decisive
moments are coming. A gigantic struggle
will set the world afire. On the horizon
the fires of the revolt of all oppressed peoples are already glowing and
becoming stronger.
Tsentrobalt’s Chairman Pavel Dybenko ended his speech at the
Democratic Conference with the statement that the crews of the fleet were ready
both to repel the invader and determine the form of government in Petrograd. Pavel
Dybenko’s words turned out to be an uncompromising preface for events about to
take place.
The final Act…Great October
On the eve of the October events, Pavel Dybenko became known
as the soul of the Baltic fleet. If the
speakers from the other parties knew that Dybenko was to make a speech at the
same meeting they would refuse to talk and try to cancel the meeting
altogether. That is why he preferred to
show up without warning and he was known to start talking before he reached the
stand. Dybenko was eloquent and could
make people not only listen to him but agree with him as well.
When addressing the sailors on the eve of Great October,
Pavel Dybenko, Chairman of Tsentrobalt stated;
“The time has come to show how to die for the
revolution! For it is better to die for
freedom and dignity than to live with out it.”
For his part Alexander Kerensky was issuing orders and
proclamations for support. Here in one
of those communiqués Kerensky speaks to the troops of the Petrograd
district.
I declare that I, the Premier of
the Provisional Government and the commander-in-chief of all the armed forces
of the Russian Republic, arrived today at the head of
troops from the front, devoted to the motherland.
I order all units of the Petrograd
Military District, which, from lack of understanding, have adhered to a band of
traitors to the motherland and the Revolution, to return to the fulfillment of
their duty without delaying one hour.
This order is to be read in all
companies, commands and squadrons.
Premier of the Provisional
Government and Commander in Chief,
Kerensky, Gatchina, October 27,
1917
Pavel Dybenko responds publishing a decree of his own
“To everybody and
all.
Tsentrobalt is calling to all who treasures achievements of
freedom and revolution. Comrades!
The sun of truth and people’s victory has been shining
brightly since the moment the power passed into the people’s hands. But dark
clouds are hanging now over the horizon…Great steps were made before the 2d
Soviet’s session.
1st – the long awaited
dream of people – the land came into the people’s possession;
2nd – all the parties of
the war were offered the truce at all the fronts;
3rd – capital punishment
is abolished at the front.
These are the achievements given to us by the revolution of
October 25th.
…In spite of provocative rumors that Tsentrobalt swept to
the side of the betrayers Kornilov and Kerenksy, Tsentrobalt declares that the
Baltic fleet sending its representatives to the 2nd session of the
Soviets entrusted them with voting for Soviet power, which it defended and will
continue to defend. The whole Baltic fleet absolutely trusts the newly
organized Soviet authorities and obeys it without any questions; we see this
power as the only legitimate power.
Long live the people’s government
of workers, peasants, soldiers and sailors!
“Tsentrobalt warns you against information spread by
Kerensky, Kornilov and Kaledin. All the rumors about Germans taking Petrograd
and Moscow are
absolutely false. You can trust only the radio of the Military – Revolutionary
committee and Tsentrobalt. We shall win. The criminal operation of Kerensky will
be defeated.
The situation is very nervous. Kerensky is advancing toward Petrograd but nobody knows exactly what is going on, how
much manpower the enemy has but Pavel knew he had the better part of 70,000
sailors available to take on the powerful alpha lion. Pavel also was very aware that in order for a
new way to begin the lion had to be confronted and defeated. Antonov and Dybenko return to Smolny and
report the units at Pulkovo heights are disorganized but willing. These units are in need of munitions, rations
and above all organized leadership. The
two commanders find out that Kerensky’s troops took Tsarskoe Selo, they are
supported by Cossacks with artillery and an armored train.
Pavel Dybenko informed the Naval Revolutionary Committee where
to immediately deploy the detachments of sailors that were arriving from
Helsingfors; areas to defend in the expectation of Kerensky entering Petrograd.
The sailors in Kronshtadt, Helsingfors, and Revel
impatiently wait to be informed of the events as they unfolded. Later, in conversation with the commissar of
the Navy Revolutionary Committee Marulin, Tsentrobalt Loginov asks, “Can you
tell me where Dybenko is?”
Marulin responds, “He came to Tsarskoe Selo at 1 o’clock and
then went back. He is the head of the
unit that is going to fight Kerensky’s troops”.
General Krasnov’s account shows that the sailors were an
important stiffening force. When the
Cossacks charged near Pulkovo ‘whole crowds of black figures ran off in
disorder, but they were the Red Guards.
The sailors steadfastly remained in their places.’ ‘This unsuccessful attack,’ noted the general
‘was very disadvantageous to us from the point of view of morale. It showed the steadfastness of the
sailors. And the sailors were
numerically 10 times greater than us.
How was it possible to fight under such conditions?’ Krasnov added, “The sailors…..went over to
the offensive. With great skill they
began to mass on both flanks; I ordered a withdrawal”.
The skilled strategist Pavel Dybenko radios to Petrograd and the Military Revolutionary Committee;
“Comrades! We, the Central Committee of the
Baltic fleet declare to everybody that we safe guard the achievements of the
revolution and rights of the oppressed class and that any attack on the people
power would be defeated by all the might of the Baltic fleet”.
General Krasnov with the Cossacks of the First Division of
Ussuri Calvary; the Committee of Yunkers of the Petrograd detachment of
Franc-Tireurs; and the delegates of the Fifth Army all had retreated to
Gatchina in attempt to reestablish the defense of Kerensky.
An excerpt from John Reed’s Ten Days That Shook the World, related the events as they
unfolded….At field headquarters, Dybenko
was just coming out, giving rapid orders right and left. An automobile stood with racing engine at the
curb. Alone, he climbed into the rear
seat, and was off, off to Gatchina, to conquer Kerensky.
Meanwhile at Gatchina Palace and according to Kerensky’s
memoirs: There happened a moment while upstairs at the Palace during discussion
with long time associate Kozmin when the two were suddenly interrupted by a
Cossack guard, Kerensky recalled, “It was in the morning that a soldier came
into the palace and brought us the news of Pavel Dybenko’s arrival.”
The Cossack guards take Dybenko to the barracks where the
Cossacks are resting. Dybenko asks if Kerensky is there and suggests guarding
him in case he decides to flee. He speaks before the Cossacks for several hours
about the betrayal of the Provisional government and about the new people’s
power represented by the Soviets of workers, soldiers and sailors.
Dybenko tells them about the new decrees of the Soviet
government to stop the war and achieve the peace, to save the country from
total destruction and give all the land to peasants, to establish control over
the industry, and to ban capital punishment in the military. By 8 o’clock in
the morning he manages to convince the Cossacks to stop fighting and to arrest
Kerensky. They agree on the condition that they have to get the approval of the
Cossacks’ committee. A meeting was
organized amongst the leaders of the Cossacks and Pavel.
According to the memoirs of General Woytinsky the truce
negotiations went as follows;
“Ten Cossack representatives sat on
one side of a long table facing the sailors.
One of the latter was a big, strikingly handsome man with broad
shoulders, a tanned face, pitch-black beard, and bright arrogant eyes. This was the notorious Dybenko, the
ringleader of the Baltic Fleet”.
“Now about Lenin and
Trotsky,” said the chairman. “They must
go!”
“None of your business!” shouted Dybenko
“Make it fair,” insisted the Cossacks. “You told us that Kerensky must not be in the
government until he has cleared himself of having conspired with Kornilov. We agreed.
Well, weren’t Lenin and Trotsky charged with being German spies? Until they clear themselves, they must not be
in government…“All we say is that they must stand public trial. If they are not spies they have nothing to
fear.”
Meanwhile, upstairs in the palace General Krasnov meets with
Kerensky.
“General,’ Kerensky said, ‘you have betrayed me. Your Cossacks declare categorically that they
will arrest me and deliver me to the sailors.’
“Yes,’ Krasnov replied, there is talk of it, and I hear that
you have no sympathy anywhere.’
“Kerensky asked questioningly, “You’re telling me the
officers say the same thing?’
To which Krasnov said, “Yes, most of all, it is the officers
who are discontented with you.’
Kerensky feeling dejected asked the General, “What shall I
do? Thinking to himself, I ought to
commit suicide!’
General Krasnov explained, “If you are an honorable man, you
will go immediately to Petrograd with a white
flag, you will present yourself to the Military Revolutionary Committee, and
enter into negotiations as Chief of the Provisional Government.’
Kerensky in a moment of resolve says, “All right. I will do that, General.’
‘Good,’ the General stated, “I will give you a guard and ask
that a sailor go with you.’
Kerensky said cautiously “No, no, not a sailor. Do you know whether it is true that Dybenko
is here?’
Krasnov responded, “I don’t know who Dybenko is.’
Alexander Kerensky, Head of the
Provisional Government declares coldly,
“He is my enemy.’
. The chairman wrote:
“Lenin and
Trotsky will withdraw from the government and abstain from any public activity
until they have cleared themselves of the charge of having worked for the
enemy.”
Finally, General Semenov decided to part the excited crowd
of Cossacks listening to the course of the peace truce and interfered. He
addressed the Cossacks asking them not to trust the Soviets. Semenov went on to tell them that if they
give Kerensky to the Bolsheviks the latter ones wouldn’t fulfill their promises
as they had power on their side.
At this point Dybenko answered back: “Was there not enough
butchering for you? You need more blood?” “That’s right, - said numerous voices
of Cossacks, - “it’s enough, we have fought already”. General Semenov recalled his impression was
that he was in the middle of a demonstration and Dybenko was winning in it..
The chairman denied the amendment and prepared the document
so as the whole agreement could be read aloud to the Cossack delegation. There were eleven points to this agreement
and that if followed through…the Russian Civil War might have been
prevented.
№ 1 Kerensky was to be handed over to the Military
Revolutionary Committee in order to be tried at the open people’s court.
№ 11 Lenin and Trotsky will withdraw from the government and abstain
from any public activity until they have cleared themselves of the charge of
having worked for the enemy
Kerensky recalled, “Time passed. We waited. Downstairs they were bargaining.
Suddenly, at three o’clock in the afternoon, the same
soldier who had brought us, in the
morning, the news of Dybenko’s arrival, came running
in. His face was as pale as
death. The bargain
had been concluded, he explained, “The Cossacks had bought their freedom and
the right to return to their homes with their arms for the price of only one
human head! To carry out the bargain, i.e.,
my arrest and surrender to the Soviets, the enemies of yesterday, in quite
friendly manner, had chosen a mixed commission.
The sailors and Cossacks were ready to rush into my rooms at any
moment”.
Semenov also came to Kerensky’s room and told him that the,
“truce negotiations are lost and that a car is waiting for him and he has to
flee”. Suddenly, two men, a soldier and
a sailor, whom the two had never met or known before make their way into the
room, These men greeted Kerensky and told him, “There is no time to lose. Put this on.”
Semenov recalled helping Kerensky into the sailor’s
disguise. Kerensky recalls: “This
consists of a sailor’s cloak, a sailor’s hat and automobile goggles. The cloak is too small and persists in
falling back on my neck. The masquerade
attire appears ludicrous and dangerous.
But there is nothing to be done.
I have only a few minutes.’ Semenov felt worried; if Kerensky would be
able to go by the sentry or if he would get recognized… But the latter one has
a sleepy and indifferent face…”
Half an hour after Krasnov gave the order to assemble the
escort for Kerensky, several of the Cossacks came to tell him that Kerensky was
not in his quarters; that Kerensky had run away.
General Krasnov recalled, “I gave the alarm and ordered that
he be searched for, supposing that he could not have left Gatchina, but he
could not be found……
The radio was used to inform everybody about Kerensky’s
escape and to call for his capturing:
Decree
To all Army, corps, divisional and regimental Committees, to
all Soviets of Worker, Soldiers and Peasants Deputies, to all, all, all.
Conforming
to the agreement between the Cossacks, yunkers, soldiers, and workers, it has
been decided to arraign Alexander Feodorvich Kerensky before a tribunal of the
people. We demand that Kerensky be
arrested, and that he be ordered, in the name of the organizations hereinafter
mentioned, to come immediately to Petrograd
and present himself to the tribunal.
Signed,
The Cossacks of the First Division of Ussuri Calvary; the
Committee of Yunkers of the Petrograd
detachment of Franc-Tireurs; the delegate of the Fifth Army.
People’s Commissar Dybenko
From the report of the chief commander Antonov and head of
the general staff Bonch-Bruevitch:
“Moscow.
Soviet of the workers and soldier deputies of Lefortovo.
Final defeat of Kerensky.
Kerensky’s troops are defeated. The whole general staff of
Kerensky is under the arrest including generals Krasnov and Woytinsky. Kerensky
fled disguised as a sailor. Cossacks came over to the side of the revolutionary
troops and are searching for Kerensky in order to hand him over top the
Military - Revolutionary committee. Kerensky mutiny is considered to be
liquidated. The revolution has won. Honor of arresting Kerensky belongs to the
Minister of Navy Pavel Dybenko”
