Friday, July 18, 2014

Great October Series: Alexander Kerensky and Pavel Dybenko




Great October Series:

Alexander Kerensky and Pavel Dybenko in the Russian Revolution
Presented to and for the:
British Association on Slavic and East European Studies
Study Group on the Russian Revolution
XXXVII Annual Conference
University of Glasgow, Glasgow, Scotland
  January 6-8, 2011  


 

                                       
                                            
                                                                                               
Interest in the relationship involving Alexander Kerensky and Pavel Dybenko originated with Kerensky’s statement to General Krasnov as negotiations between Dybenko and the Cossacks were concluding in the lower levels of the Gatchina Palace.  Historical record corroborates Kerensky in conversation with Krasnov declaring that Dybenko was/is his enemy.  
Why Dybenko...why not Lenin’s men...or Trotsky’s forces?  There had to be a basis, a history between the distinguished Kerensky and the notable Dybenko which would explain Kerensky’s statement.   I embarked upon an investigation in which the results revealed a seven month relationship forever historically linking the two beginning in the spring of 1917.   



Kerensky and Dybenko in the spring of 1917


The source for the interaction between Dybenko and Kerensky came as a result of the formation of Tsentrobalt, the sailor’s soviet.  With Pavel Dybenko in its leadership the sailors create one of Russia’s most democratic freely elected bodies.  Fashioned from the ships crews and including naval units of its bases, Tsentrobalt would become the path from which the sailors’ political views and activity would be formulated.  As Dybenko declared in April of 1917:
 The Baltic Navy should be united so as its voice can be clearly heard by the Government” [i]
The Helsingfors Soviet, with Mensheviks in the majority, sanctioned the project and urged all fleet committees to send their representatives to Helsingfors: to provide assistance for Tsentrobalt.  Sailors’ Representatives from all the bases made their way to Helsingfors to support Tsentrobalt including Raskolinikov who came from Kronshtadt and wrote admirably of his first impressions of its leader.  
The first plenary sessions of the newly formed Tsentrobalt resulted in the Russian Baltic fleet announcing it will recognize the authority of the new Provisional Government and would abide by its orders.  This declaration was received well as many among those in power had reservations the Baltic fleet would not bow to the authority of the new government. 

One of the chief figures in the Provisional Government at the time was Minister of Justice Alexander Kerensky.  Kerensky does not recognize Tsentrobalt as a lawful organization. Kerensky holds a great deal of power, is known as an intellectual politician and trusted among many members of the Duma.  Pavel Dybenko with a small group of delegates goes to Petrograd and meets with Kerensky in order to establish its legitimacy.  It is at this meeting that Pavel Dybenko and the leaders of Tsentrobalt demonstrate to the Minister of Justice the fleet will indeed fully support the Provisional Government.  Accordingly, Kerensky gives the order to legalize Tsentrobalt. 

Back in Helsingfors and during additional meetings of the sailor’s delegates, Pavel Dybenko presents to the sailors Tsentrobalt’s charter including a rough draft of his report “The Relationship between Tsentrobalt and the Fleet Headquarters”. The not yet completed document declared that Tsentrobalt will maintain the right to control the internal activities of the fleet.

Commander in Chief of the Baltic Fleet Admiral Maksimov chooses to cooperate with Tsentrobalt; and as a result of this cooperation, a Helsingfors dispatch is sent to the allied fleets, saying that the Baltic fleet was in complete readiness to fight to the last in defense of free Russia.  It was widely speculated the events of February provided Russia’s enemies with opportunity to circulate reports the Baltic Fleet was disorganized and incapable of fighting.  The Helsingfors dispatch included word that the sailors were cooperating fully with their officers.[ii]

As World War I continued rumors of a possible German landing in the Finnish Gulf concern the Provisional Government.  The Russian Government decides to send Minister of Justice Kerensky to the bases of the Baltic Fleet in order to ascertain the fleets fighting capabilities.
The object of my journey is to investigate the condition and capacity for defense of the Baltic fleet, of course, there are some insignificant difficulties, but they are inevitable after such a colossal upheaval as has taken place in Russia.  Nevertheless, the preparations for defense are quite complete.  All vessels are in splendid condition and perfect readiness for fighting.  The sailors fully realize the seriousness of the situation and the responsibility to defend the country or die. All rumors of weakening of the Baltic fleet are quite unfounded.  Such rumors are purposely spread by the enemies of liberty.”


Kerensky also declared:
“I say that Russia is now the freest state, the Russian fleet the freest one”

Prior to Kerensky’s arrival, he and the Provisional Government were made aware of and were not pleased with Dybenko’s draft for the Charter of Tsentrobalt.   Furthermore the Minister of Justice, in addition with members of the Naval Ministry, is in disagreement with Admiral Maksimov’s approval.  Consequently, Kerensky moves to replace Admiral Maksimov with an appointment of a new Commander, Admiral Verderevsky.  As a result of this action Dybenko, together with delegates of Tsentrobalt, issue a formal protest against the appointment of Verderevsky.  Kerensky and Verderevsky refuse to sign the sailors Charter. Tsentrobalt’s delegates maintain they will still apply it until the All-Russian Navy Congress.  This first “disagreement” sets the stage for Kerensky’s arrival in Helsingfors. 

As Kerensky is due to arrive in Helsingfors, local politicians, belonging to the majority at the Helsingfors Soviet were preparing a grand reception for him; one which was to be concluded with a military parade in his honor.  However aboard the ship “Viola” other plans were being made.  After learning of the Helsingfors Soviets intentions; deliberating members of Tsentrobalt, Dybenko in agreement, issue an order canceling the official reception and parade.  By taking this action Tsentrobalt was encouraging the sailors of all ships to be very reserved in greeting Kerensky. 

Contentions continue between Kerensky and Dybenko.  The former calling on the sailors to greet Kerensky aboard the officer’s ship the Krechet and the latter demanding the legal right of institution whose protocol required Kerensky to address the sailors aboard the Viola. 

Described by Pavel Dybenko in his memoirs:
“…We were all exhausted by the long wait for the minister.  Finally, the phone rang I answered it. There was Kerensky’s secretary on line. He said that Kerensky ordered all of Tsentrobalt to show up at “Krechet” by 4 PM. But I told him that Tsentrobalt is an institution and the minister is supposed to come over, not the other way round. Besides we have many urgent and pressing matters to solve. We ask the minister to come over instead. 


Minister Kerensky finally agreed; with entourage he arrives at the Viola for the anticipated meeting with the sailors.  On board, Dybenko greets Kerensky and introduces him to the sailors as the People’s Minister of War.   Kerensky addressed the sailors with a long speech he had prepared.  As Kerensky continued his speech some of the sailors began to feel restless and impatient.  One of the sailors, Khorvin, a member of Tsentorbalt’s governing body, interrupted Kerensky by shouting,
 We are here to solve some urgent issues and not to listen to long speeches, and we believe the Minister should go directly to the real matters”. 
The sailors in the crowd roared approval, they preferred Kerensky address specific matters regarding current events such as the war, minister’s pensions, and other decisions made by the government.   Kerensky abruptly looked upon Dybenko to calm the mood and Pavel immediately stands to address the matter.  As chairman, Dybenko with a wry smile on his face chastised Khorvin for interrupting the Minister.  Kerensky was taken aback, not pleased with the sarcastic reprimand, he began to collect his papers.  With agitation in his words, Kerensky suggested to Dybenko the whole staff of Tsentrobalt should be reconsidered.  Furthermore he declined to reply and answer the questions put to him by those he considered his inferior.  In response, Dybenko and Tsentrobalt declare the minister’s explanations ’unsatisfactory.”   An eerie silence fell about the ship.  
Kerensky feeling insulted gathers himself and with his associates makes way to leave the ship.  While departing Kerensky was overheard telling one of his associates through clenched teeth, the sailors were nothing more than “Slaves in revolt!"  Having heard this, a couple of the sailors responded with an emotion of pride.  "Yes, we were slaves and we have revolted!"

Alexsandra Kollontai remembers talk among the intellectuals, as
 The defenders were afraid of Pavel Dybenko.”

Pavel Dybenko considered the events in early 1917 to be a historical time bringing to the surface repressed emotions coupled with complexities and understandings of past confrontations with the authorities.  In his memoirs, Dybenko spoke of the fleet and its standing.   Many historians have quoted Dybenko regarding his statement of the sailors being pace setters amidst the revolution but few have quoted his account in its entirety which includes the sailors’ independent authority
It always seemed to a sailor that he was above a soldier or a worker and consequently this is his duty to be always in the vanguard.  This was the way they understood their tasks.  Self-esteem was often pushing the sailor to the places where the resistance would be the maximum.  Our small group formed of this type of sailors was perfectly aware of that and this was the reason why the sailors successfully managed to concentrate power at their hands.  It is common belief that the Provisional government lost its authority over the Baltic Fleet only at the end of September 1917 but that is wrong.  The authority of the Provisional government over the Baltic Fleet was lost in fact back in April 1917.  The fleet was living its own separate life, went its own way notwithstanding government policy and even though there were some hesitations they do not contradict the fact the actual power over the Baltic Fleet was lost by the government already in April.”


This view of independence as Dybenko understood the Baltic Fleet to have would result in following confrontations with Alexander Kerensky as the events of the following months will reveal.  




Kerensky and Dybenko in “July Days 1917”

In late June of 1917…the sailors’ new found sovereignty creates unusual dilemmas.  
The sailors of the Petropavlosk are up in arms and independent of Tsentrobalt send an ultimatum to the Provisional Government and the Naval Ministry which includes demands for members of the ministry be removed, governing bodies such as the State Council and State Duma abolished, and agreements of all secret treaties with regard to the war be published.   If these demands were not met the Petropavlosk, the resolution stated, would sail to Petrograd and bombard the town.

In Petrograd, demonstrations by residents and workers in protest of the failed actions of the Provisional Government are scheduled.  Many in the government blame the Bolsheviks for provoking the demonstrations.  Kerensky and his advisers are apprehensive of the navy, it was their understanding the fleet was now unreliable and may facilitate a disaster out of an already tenuous situation.  In reaction to all this, Kerensky decides to do many things and one was to meet with Assistant Minister of the Navy Dudorov and have him control the activities of the fleet.

 
With Kerensky’s approval, Assistant Minister of the Navy Dudorov completes a secret dispatch to Admiral Verderevsky with instructions for the fleet.  The secret orders are intercepted by sailors and given to Tsentrobalt personnel who send them on directly to Dybenko.  On July 4th, Dybenko, at a session of Tsentrobalt aboard the Polar Star, reads the orders received by Verderevsky and signed by the Asst. Minister of the Navy Dudorov.  The first called on Admiral Verderevsky to send four destroyers to Petrograd to prevent by force the landing of sailors from the side of Kronshtadt; the second demanded Verderevsky should not on any pretext allow the departure of ships from Helsingfors to Kronshtadt, and if necessary, without fail sink insubordinate ships with submarines. 


Dybenko saw the telegram as a threat to the control of Tsentrobalt.  Kerensky and his Provisional Government had disregarded Tsentrobalts legal authority.  This telegram was met with a passing of a resolution calling for the removal of Kerensky from command, the arrest of Naval Minister Dudorov, and for the transfer of power from the Provisional Government to the All-Russian Central Executive Committee.  Tsentrobalts’ resolution is signed by its Chairman Dybenko and it is agreed upon to send a delegation of sailors to Petrograd to have the resolution read to the joint session of the Executive Committee. 

A delegation consisting of sixty-seven sailors took to Petrograd aboard the Orpheus.   Trouble raises its head right away as the crew learns they are ordered not to disembark.  A telegram is sent to Dybenko aboard the Polar Star describing the events as they unfold.  In reaction, Dybenko with other elected delegates leave Helsingfors for Petrograd aboard the torpedo boat the “Gremyaschiy” in order to personally deliver the resolution as agreed by the united meeting of Tsentrobalt.     It would not be until the next day that the delegation of sailors representing Tsentrobalt and its resolutions would be admitted to a joint session of the Executive Committees.   The sailors’ presence made necessary the Executive Committees’ spokesman Voitinsky to declare that armored cars were available in support and an order was dispatched to certain units (on the front) to make their way to Petrograd in order to defend against any “danger” threatening the revolution  

Undaunted, the sailor’s presented their resolution to an uninspired audience…the Executive Committee; not prepared to take on such an enormous responsibility maintained their confidence in the Provisional Government and denounced the sailors as rebels, as counter-revolutionists, stabbing in the back the gains of the revolution. 


Subsequently and in response, a special resolution by the Executive Committee solemnly declared its solidarity with Alexander Kerensky and Asst. Minister Dudorov. 
Kerensky and the Provisional Government act with haste.  The next day the whole sailors’ delegation was arrested, including their Chairman and leader Pavel Dybenko. Furthermore, the Provisional Governments disciplinary hand reaches out to Admiral Verderevsky who had been summoned to the capitol to explain matters. 

 
Meanwhile, in Helsingfors, the sailors learn of the arrests of Dybenko and other members of Tsentrobalt.  One organization, ‘The Sailors Section of the Helsingfors Soviet’, as a reply to Kerensky and the Provisional Governments measures, made declarations in protest of these actions.  Unlike Tsentrobalt, the ‘Section’ was overtly political. 
It defended the Bolshevik newspaper Priboi (the voice of revolutionary democracy) and supported Pavel Dybenko ‘a worthy, honest, and steadfast freedom fighter…the spokesman of the whole mass of the Baltic Fleet.


On July 7th Kerensky lashed out against the Fleet for actions he saw as harmful and
unlawful.   Kerensky considers the opportunity to set matters straight after having been
unceremoniously rejected by the fleet less than two months previous.  Kerensky appoints
Naval investigator, Colonel Shubin to oversee an investigation and present his findings to
a panel of members to be named from the Navy Ministry and other seated members of
Government.  Kerensky went further ordering Tsentrobalt to be dissolved, demanding the
sailors drive out from their minds suspicious people, like Pavel Dybenko who called for
disobedience to the Provisional Government.


Moreover, Kerensky called upon the sailors of Kronshtadt, and on the ships
Petropavlovsk, Respublika, and Slava ‘whose names have been stained by counter
revolutionary actions and resolutions’) to arrest the’ instigators’, demanding they send
them to Petrograd within 24 hours; in addition the sailors were ordered to immediately
declare their subordination to the Provisional Government.

Concluding the inquiry four days later on July 11th, naval investigator, Colonel Shubin, offers his findings against 15 members of Tsentrobalt, including Dybenko.  Colonel Shubin accused the Tsentrobalt Chairman and others of causing the orders of the government to be disobeyed.  Colonel Shubin condemned and alleged the insubordination resulted in blocking the dispatch of four destroyers, of releasing a distorted interpretation of the secret telegram, and of inciting the members of Tsentrobalt on board the Polar Star to order the dismissal of Onipko and the arrest of Dudorov. 

Furthermore, Tsentrobalt was accused of provoking a blatant uprising against the Provisional Government by fostering rebellion among the crews on the ships at Helsingfors.  Colonel Shubin maintained the aforementioned treasonous activities guided the fleet in opposing the sending of armed forces to Petrograd at the demand of the Provisional Government.  Pavel Dybenko and other sailors of Tsentrobalt were remanded to the infamous Kresty Prison. 

 
Accordingly, Colonel Shubins’ findings and Kerensky’s directives allow for Asst. Navy Minister Dudorov to order the arrest of more sailors accused of having ties with Bolshevik and Social Revolutionists sympathies.  Lastly, Dudorov advises the authorities to shut down four newspapers, one of which was Volna favoring the views of Tsentrobalt.   


Premier Kerensky sanctioned repressive measures against all dissenters and those not loyal in order to restore discipline.  The newspapers on the following Monday announced that Rear Admiral Verdervesky, commander of the Baltic fleet had been arrested for communicating a secret government telegram to Tsentrobalt.  In his place, Rear Admiral Razvovozoff has been appointed commander in chief of all the Russian naval forces in the Baltic. 


Meanwhile, in Helsingfors, the remaining sailors of Tsentrobalt discuss the situation of the arrested delegations in Petrograd.  Some of the delegations like the one of Admiral Verderevsky were already released and it was learned they had demanded an open trial.  Upon his release, Admiral Verderevsky suggested to fleet personnel that Dybenko should demand an open trial if he considered himself not guilty.  Tsentrobalts’ Chairman was still remanded in Kresty Prison though, while Kerensky’s government counter-intelligence department continued to investigate his role in the matter.

On July 27th the sailors were to experience a dark day.  The men of the warships Slava, Respublika, and Petropavlovsk involved in the recent opposition are in low spirits and offer up their loyalty as Kerensky had previously ordered.  Included in the previous order was the dissolution of Tsentrobalt and consequently, later in the day, aboard the yacht Polar Star, a solemn group of sailors witness the lowering of Tsentrobalt’s flag. 


The July trials between Kerensky’s Provisional Government and Dybenko’s Tsentrobalt were a unique and separate affair.  The organization named Tsentrobalt promoted the ideals of the revolution and its sailors were described as being completely patriotic revolutionists.  Tsentrobalt based their movement upon the ideals which rejected authoritative administrations and held the position of “inclusion” close to its hearts.
  
It is important to note that when Tsentrobalt called upon the Executive Committee to take power the intellectual and political body by all accounts was not a Bolshevik led majority.  Marking the third time in historical record that Tsentrobalt demonstrated the desire to confer authority to the enlightened minorities.  Expressing the view these intellectuals owed responsible duties towards the people; the sailors by their actions confirmed they held faith in the intellectual elite and in idealism.    .

Even so, as a result of the happenings of July, Kerensky acquires dominance over the workmen’s and soldiers committees, and is deemed Napoleon over Russia. 
His decisions go unquestioned and the committees make no attempt to oppose his decrees.  Accordingly, his command of the provisional government becomes supreme.  



Kerensky and Dybenko Fall of 1917

Changes occur quickly in Russia as witnessed during the Moscow Conference in August.   Alexander Kerensky detects the mood of the government moving to the right as ministers refer to the rumored demonstrations of discontent among the peoples in Petrograd.   Members of the Government call on General Lars Kornilov to stabilize the state of affairs; to have his troops move toward Petrograd and ensure order. 

Kornilov declares, “…it is time to put an end to all the disorder.  Time to hang the German agents and spies…to chase away the Council of Workers and Soldiers’ Deputies scatter them far and wide, so that they never are able to come together again.  If I do not come to an agreement with Kerensky and Savinkoff, I may have to deal the blow to the Bolsheviks without their consent.  I only wish to Save Russia”


Current events are happening at rapid pace for Kerensky; as Kornilov is gathering troops
south of Petrograd in preparation to advance…the German Navy is about to bombard and invade Riga.  Premier Kerensky needs to gather all supporters in defense of his authority and of course Russia.   The leaders in the Naval Ministry promise support for Kerensky and his government in exchange for the release of Pavel Dybenko, from Kresty Prison along with other sailor’s detained due to the July events.   Upon hearing he would be released, Dybenko was said to have told Raskolnikov that,
 “Kerensky was crazy for letting us go free”


Subsequently, the fleet issues a statement in support of Kerensky and his Provisional Government.  A dispatch received in London and signed by the Russian Prime Minister, stated the entire Baltic Fleet, together with its staff officers, has unanimously placed itself on the side of the Provisional Government.


Kerensky was hopeful.  

The “Kornilov Affair” as judged by many historians ended without a shot fired.  Many citizens, workers, and military personnel of Petrograd went south to meet the approaching forces of Kornilov.  This group of brave men and women implored Kornilov’s men to stand down: to not engage in bloodshed.  Albert Rhys Williams recalled the events in his “Through the Revolution”…. With the big sailor Dybenko leading, they drove headlong into the midst of Kornilov’s soldiers exhorting them not to advance.  They put fear of the Revolution into the hearts of the Whites and the fire and zest of the Revolution into the blood of their fellow Reds.”


After the “Kornilov Affair” had concluded, back in Helsingfors, a meeting took place between delegates from different units in Kronshtadt and Helsingfors urging Pavel Dybenko and others to call another Congress with the purpose to re-elect Tsentrobalt.  In a short two months the flag of Tsentrobalt, under Pavel Dybenko’s leadership, was once again raised aboard the Polar Star and a special commission was formed to organize the Congress.  Pavel Dybenko was selected to lead the commission. 


The restless situation in Petrograd and the instability of the Provisional Government would result in another dispute between Premier Kerensky and Tsentrobalt Chairman Dybenko.  This incident, rather small, mushroomed into an unnecessary test of wills.  In mid September, Tsentroflot expanded its quarters in the Naval Ministry to include an apartment belonging to the naval chief of staff, Captain Vsevolod Egorev.   Kerensky via his “Directorate” reacted with surprising severity ordering that Tsentroflot be dissolved and a new election of its staff be held.  Admiral Razvozov would also be called to give evidence to the account by the Minister of the Navy Admiral Verderevsky.    

Admiral Razvozov responded to the ministry’s request; attempting to dismiss the whole
event as a minor misunderstanding   One of little concern, Razvozov believed, to a fleet
that was engaged with an outside enemy.   Yet that same afternoon, an extraordinary
session of Tsentrobalt in conjunction with the Sailors’ Assembly of the Helsingfors
Soviet and the representatives of eighty ships’ committees respond to the governments
decisions and debated the dissolution along with other concerns for many hours under
the chairmanship of Pavel Dybenko.  

As a result of this plenary meeting the Tsentrobalt protested against the decision of the
Provisional government to disband the Central Committee of All-Russian Navy
(Tsentroflot).    Moreover, decisions regarding political and service concerns were
made:  the sailors intention to have the Provisional Government approve
Tsentobalt’s newest charter, address the question of disarmament of the detained sailors
in July, and to challenge the current demands of the Provisional Government to disarm
the sailors of Kronshtadt.    

In addition, another decision by Premier Kerensky to declare the name of the Russian Empire change to the Russian Republic resulted in 20 ships  raising red flags until the word “Democratic” be included i.e. “the Russian Democratic Republic”.  The congress also introduced the office of commissars on the ships. All commissars together with the officer on duty and the ship commander were to openly read all the radiograms and encrypted messages from the government.


Internal strife aside, Russian intelligence maintains warnings of impending aggression by the Germans toward the Baltic port of Riga.  The advance of Germans on the Moon Sound isles with more than 300 ships and 25,000 troops interrupted the work of the congress. Admiral Razvozov the fleet commander appeared at the 2nd Congress in order to appeal for assistance.  According to Dybenko, he assured the Admiral the congress would be supportive and that “in battle your order is law” 


The need to postpone the congress is unavoidable.  Chairman, Pavel Dybenko signs the resolutions as agreed upon by the delegates of the 2nd Congress of the Baltic Fleet and finishes drawing up its new charter.  Preparations to meet the German fleet begin. 

Three days later on the 29th, news correspondents reported, the Second Congress of delegates to the Baltic Fleet and its resolutions drew the attention of the Russian Military Officials who were acknowledging serious disorder among the sailors of the Baltic Fleet.  Tsentrobalt had, according to reports of the provisional government, sent a series of preposterous demands.  In reply, Minister of the Navy Verderevsky promptly sent back word that the provisional government would not consider for a moment granting the committee’s demands.  He declared that the government would combat with all its power the slightest attempt at sowing new distrust among the sailors.  Furthermore, he decreed the dissolution of Tsentrobalt and ordered new elections.  Any agitation, the minister asserted, in the Baltic fleet against the commanders will be regarded as treason. 


News outlets around the world reported the provisional government claimed it had just crushed in its incipiency new seditious and mutinous agitations among the ranks of the Baltic fleet.   The demoralization of the fleet, Minister Verderevsky asserted, had progressed simultaneously with the demoralization of the army, and the results have been visible for weeks.  The murder of officers, the open defiance of naval orders, and the orders of the Provisional Government by Tsentrobalt, the Baltic Fleet Committee, these were some of the outward indications of the destruction of the Baltic Fleet.

In reply to Kerensky’s and his ministers statements, Dybenko sends a telegram to Minister of the Navy Admiral Verderevsky encouraging him to submit only truthful information to the newspapers. 

Kerensky does not give in; he rebukes Tsentrobalt’s actions and demands cessation of what is now declared as, “Acts of Violence on the Baltic Ships”. 

Premier Kerensky sends a telegram to the Baltic Fleet demanding the cessation of acts of violence and all other excesses committed under the pretext of safeguarding the revolution.  In reality, he says, the men by their actions are disorganizing the navy by reducing its fighting capacity.  The Premier condemns the guilty parties: Dybenko, Tsentrobalt, the second congress; scathingly and with little patients he adds that he awaits news of the complete re-establishment of order.


The sailors of the Baltic fleet ignored the protestations of Kerensky.   At the end of the day it became clear that Pavel Dybenko and Tsentrobalt’s power triumphed in the Baltic fleet as demonstrated by a resolution passed at the sailors congress,
We demand the immediate removal from the ranks of the Provisional Government of the “Socialist,” the political adventurer Kerensky, as one who is scandalizing and ruining the Great Revolution, and with it the revolutionary masses, by his shameless political blackmail in behalf of the bourgeoisie.


Even though involved in a power struggle with the government; the sailors put aside their aspirations and devoted all their energies to the preparations for defense.  The sailors were eager to take the ships out to meet and fight the German enemy in the open seas.  The unanimity of the fleet will assuredly have a braving affect on the sailors of the Baltic Fleet. 

“Reports that the fleet is not ready to meet the enemy are untrue,” replied Cap. M. Ivanoff, “The fleet is full of fighting ardor and is ready to repel the enemy.  Stories of evil influence exerted by the sailors’ committee are greatly exaggerated.  The near future will show how honorably the fleet will fulfill its duty to the country.”

Kerensky sees things differently and in an attempt to encourage the fleet declared,
            “If mutinous sailors can be quelled and discipline and fighting spirit restored, the Russian fleet could effectually hamper—perhaps prevent—operations by a German fleet in the Baltic”. 


Tsentrobalts Chairman declared, “we consider it our duty to defend Petrograd.  We will fulfill our self-imposed obligation.  Not because of the request of a pitiful Russian Bonaparte (Kerensky) who retains power simply because of the unlimited patience of the Russian Revolution.  Nor because of the treaties made by our government with the Allies, treaties intended to smother the Russian Revolution.  We follow the call of our revolutionary sentiment.


As the battle with the Germans ensued Tsentrobalts’ views toward Kerensky continued;
To thee, Kerensky, who has betrayed the revolution, we send curses.  At the moment when our comrades, stricken down by shells and bullets, and drowning in the Gulf of Riga, are calling us to the defense of the revolution; at this moment when we all, as one man, are ready to lay down our lives for freedom, ready to die in open fight on the sea and with the external foe and on the barricades with the internal enemy, we are sending to thee, Kerensky and to thy friends, curses for thy appeals, by which thou art endeavoring to disintegrate the forces of the fleet in this fearful hour for the country and the revolution.


The Battle of Moon Sound concluded with the Germans successfully completing landing operations on Oesel Island.  Although having “lost” the battle, it was understood the Russian fleet and its sailors had more than held its own.  Count Kapnist, Admiral Bakhireff, and even Admiral Vederevsky all spoke of the battle recalling the great heroism the sailors displayed and testified to the gallantry of the crews who took part in the engagement.  The Russian Admiralty sent messages saying the sailors had more than given good account of themselves and had fought with honor and bravery.


Asked to explain why the Baltic sailors showed such close cooperation with their officers during the battle of Moon Sound, Tsentrobalts Pavel Dybenko stated the control over operational matters was firmly in the hands of the sailors themselves.  The Moon Sound operations had been considered successful, because the losses on the German side had been much greater than those suffered by the Russians 

Of course, Kerensky views the outcome differently, he blamed the Baltic Fleet and stated that if it wasn’t for lack of discipline the sailors might have prevented the Germans from seizing the isles. 
 “It is clear that the failure of the entire Russian Baltic Fleet to put in an appearance when the strength of the German force under Vice-Admiral Schmidt became known at Petrograd was the primary cause of the loss of the islands in the Gulf of Riga.  A couple of old battleships with the assistance of a flotilla of destroyers and gunboats could not be expected even with the display of the most stubborn courage to withstand the formidable squadrons by which they were opposed”.

Kerensky continued with his negative analysis. 
“That this little division of the Russian fleet sacrificed itself in an attempt to delay the victory of the enemy is a high tribute to its gallantry and patriotism.  That is was not reinforced from the fleet in the Gulf of Finland with ships which should be capable of more effective resistance and the possibility of defeating the enemy’s object, was due, it must be supposed, to the loss of discipline brought about by the revolution.  Kerensky further stated the sailors were to be honored for valor and bravery although in his opinion, the sailors’ actions were bolstered by their need to redeem themselves from the unenviable notoriety they had earned in the disorders of July.


Tsentobalts’ Dybenko responded to Kernsky’s statement saying in part that the sailors fought not because they wanted to expiate their guilt before the Government, as Kerensky seemed to imagine, but because they were defending the Revolution and all it stood for with all their might. 

 
Soon after, a gathering of Petrograd’s political intellectuals named The Congress of Soviets of the Northern Region was held at Petrograd in early October.  Dr. Alexander Rabinowitch wrote the Congress was for the most part a thundering, highly visible expression of ultra radical sentiment.[1] Others say the Congress was a more polished and better-delivered presentation of “All Power to the Soviets”: the message the sailors of Tsentrobalt tried to communicate in July.  There were similarities, in both circumstances: Kerensky was called upon to resign and the request for control of government transfer into the responsible hands of the All Russian Executive Committee of Soviets of Workers and Soldiers Deputies, with promise the fleet would safeguard the move.  There were differences as well, at this time the Executive Committee was dominated by Bolsheviks.


Pavel Dybenko speaking to the delegates assuring that the fleet would safe guard the revolution.   
…The Russian Fleet has always stood in the front lines of the Revolution.  The names of its sailors are written in the book of the history of the struggle against Tsarism.  In the earliest days of the Revolution the sailors marched in the front ranks, our ultimate aim being deliverance from all misery.  And this life and death struggle with our own oppressors gives us the right to appeal to you, proletarians of all countries, with a strong voice against the exploiters.  Break the chains, you who are oppressed!  Rise in revolt!  We have nothing to lose but our chains!  We believe in the victory of the Revolution, we are full of this belief.  We know that our comrades in the Revolution will fulfill their duty on the barricades to the bitter end.  We know that decisive moments are coming.  A gigantic struggle will set the world afire.  On the horizon the fires of the revolt of all oppressed peoples are already glowing and becoming stronger.

Tsentrobalt’s Chairman Pavel Dybenko ended his speech at the Democratic Conference with the statement that the crews of the fleet were ready both to repel the invader and determine the form of government in Petrograd.  Pavel Dybenko’s words turned out to be an uncompromising preface for events about to take place.    

 The final Act…Great October

On the eve of the October events, Pavel Dybenko became known as the soul of the Baltic fleet.  If the speakers from the other parties knew that Dybenko was to make a speech at the same meeting they would refuse to talk and try to cancel the meeting altogether.  That is why he preferred to show up without warning and he was known to start talking before he reached the stand.  Dybenko was eloquent and could make people not only listen to him but agree with him as well.

When addressing the sailors on the eve of Great October, Pavel Dybenko, Chairman of Tsentrobalt stated;
 “The time has come to show how to die for the revolution!  For it is better to die for freedom and dignity than to live with out it.”

For his part Alexander Kerensky was issuing orders and proclamations for support.  Here in one of those communiqués Kerensky speaks to the troops of the Petrograd district.
I declare that I, the Premier of the Provisional Government and the commander-in-chief of all the armed forces of the Russian Republic, arrived today at the head of troops from the front, devoted to the motherland.
I order all units of the Petrograd Military District, which, from lack of understanding, have adhered to a band of traitors to the motherland and the Revolution, to return to the fulfillment of their duty without delaying one hour.
This order is to be read in all companies, commands and squadrons.
Premier of the Provisional Government and Commander in Chief,
Kerensky, Gatchina, October 27, 1917

Pavel Dybenko responds publishing a decree of his own
“To everybody and all.
Tsentrobalt is calling to all who treasures achievements of freedom and revolution. Comrades!
The sun of truth and people’s victory has been shining brightly since the moment the power passed into the people’s hands. But dark clouds are hanging now over the horizon…Great steps were made before the 2d Soviet’s session.
1st – the long awaited dream of people – the land came into the people’s possession;
2nd – all the parties of the war were offered the truce at all the fronts;
3rd – capital punishment is abolished at the front.
These are the achievements given to us by the revolution of October 25th.
…In spite of provocative rumors that Tsentrobalt swept to the side of the betrayers Kornilov and Kerenksy, Tsentrobalt declares that the Baltic fleet sending its representatives to the 2nd session of the Soviets entrusted them with voting for Soviet power, which it defended and will continue to defend. The whole Baltic fleet absolutely trusts the newly organized Soviet authorities and obeys it without any questions; we see this power as the only legitimate power.
Long live the people’s government of workers, peasants, soldiers and sailors!

“Tsentrobalt warns you against information spread by Kerensky, Kornilov and Kaledin. All the rumors about Germans taking Petrograd and Moscow are absolutely false. You can trust only the radio of the Military – Revolutionary committee and Tsentrobalt. We shall win. The criminal operation of Kerensky will be defeated.

The situation is very nervous. Kerensky is advancing toward Petrograd but nobody knows exactly what is going on, how much manpower the enemy has but Pavel knew he had the better part of 70,000 sailors available to take on the powerful alpha lion.  Pavel also was very aware that in order for a new way to begin the lion had to be confronted and defeated.  Antonov and Dybenko return to Smolny and report the units at Pulkovo heights are disorganized but willing.  These units are in need of munitions, rations and above all organized leadership.  The two commanders find out that Kerensky’s troops took Tsarskoe Selo, they are supported by Cossacks with artillery and an armored train. 

Pavel Dybenko informed the Naval Revolutionary Committee where to immediately deploy the detachments of sailors that were arriving from Helsingfors; areas to defend in the expectation of Kerensky entering Petrograd.

The sailors in Kronshtadt, Helsingfors, and Revel impatiently wait to be informed of the events as they unfolded.  Later, in conversation with the commissar of the Navy Revolutionary Committee Marulin, Tsentrobalt Loginov asks, “Can you tell me where Dybenko is?”
Marulin responds, “He came to Tsarskoe Selo at 1 o’clock and then went back.  He is the head of the unit that is going to fight Kerensky’s troops”.

General Krasnov’s account shows that the sailors were an important stiffening force.  When the Cossacks charged near Pulkovo ‘whole crowds of black figures ran off in disorder, but they were the Red Guards.  The sailors steadfastly remained in their places.’  ‘This unsuccessful attack,’ noted the general ‘was very disadvantageous to us from the point of view of morale.  It showed the steadfastness of the sailors.  And the sailors were numerically 10 times greater than us.  How was it possible to fight under such conditions?’  Krasnov added, “The sailors…..went over to the offensive.  With great skill they began to mass on both flanks; I ordered a withdrawal”.

The skilled strategist Pavel Dybenko radios to Petrograd and the Military Revolutionary Committee;
 “Comrades! We, the Central Committee of the Baltic fleet declare to everybody that we safe guard the achievements of the revolution and rights of the oppressed class and that any attack on the people power would be defeated by all the might of the Baltic fleet”.

General Krasnov with the Cossacks of the First Division of Ussuri Calvary; the Committee of Yunkers of the Petrograd detachment of Franc-Tireurs; and the delegates of the Fifth Army all had retreated to Gatchina in attempt to reestablish the defense of Kerensky. 

An excerpt from John Reed’s Ten Days That Shook the World, related the events as they unfolded….At field headquarters, Dybenko was just coming out, giving rapid orders right and left.  An automobile stood with racing engine at the curb.  Alone, he climbed into the rear seat, and was off, off to Gatchina, to conquer Kerensky.

Meanwhile at Gatchina Palace and according to Kerensky’s memoirs: There happened a moment while upstairs at the Palace during discussion with long time associate Kozmin when the two were suddenly interrupted by a Cossack guard, Kerensky recalled, “It was in the morning that a soldier came into the palace and brought us the news of Pavel Dybenko’s arrival.” 

The Cossack guards take Dybenko to the barracks where the Cossacks are resting. Dybenko asks if Kerensky is there and suggests guarding him in case he decides to flee. He speaks before the Cossacks for several hours about the betrayal of the Provisional government and about the new people’s power represented by the Soviets of workers, soldiers and sailors.

Dybenko tells them about the new decrees of the Soviet government to stop the war and achieve the peace, to save the country from total destruction and give all the land to peasants, to establish control over the industry, and to ban capital punishment in the military. By 8 o’clock in the morning he manages to convince the Cossacks to stop fighting and to arrest Kerensky. They agree on the condition that they have to get the approval of the Cossacks’ committee.  A meeting was organized amongst the leaders of the Cossacks and Pavel.

According to the memoirs of General Woytinsky the truce negotiations went as follows;
“Ten Cossack representatives sat on one side of a long table facing the sailors.  One of the latter was a big, strikingly handsome man with broad shoulders, a tanned face, pitch-black beard, and bright arrogant eyes.  This was the notorious Dybenko, the ringleader of the Baltic Fleet”.

 “Now about Lenin and Trotsky,” said the chairman.  “They must go!”
“None of your business!” shouted Dybenko

“Make it fair,” insisted the Cossacks.  “You told us that Kerensky must not be in the government until he has cleared himself of having conspired with Kornilov.  We agreed.  Well, weren’t Lenin and Trotsky charged with being German spies?  Until they clear themselves, they must not be in government…“All we say is that they must stand public trial.  If they are not spies they have nothing to fear.”

Meanwhile, upstairs in the palace General Krasnov meets with Kerensky.
“General,’ Kerensky said, ‘you have betrayed me.  Your Cossacks declare categorically that they will arrest me and deliver me to the sailors.’
“Yes,’ Krasnov replied, there is talk of it, and I hear that you have no sympathy anywhere.’
“Kerensky asked questioningly, “You’re telling me the officers say the same thing?’
To which Krasnov said, “Yes, most of all, it is the officers who are discontented with you.’
Kerensky feeling dejected asked the General, “What shall I do?  Thinking to himself, I ought to commit suicide!’

General Krasnov explained, “If you are an honorable man, you will go immediately to Petrograd with a white flag, you will present yourself to the Military Revolutionary Committee, and enter into negotiations as Chief of the Provisional Government.’
Kerensky in a moment of resolve says, “All right.  I will do that, General.’
‘Good,’ the General stated, “I will give you a guard and ask that a sailor go with you.’
Kerensky said cautiously “No, no, not a sailor.  Do you know whether it is true that Dybenko is here?’
Krasnov responded, “I don’t know who Dybenko is.’
Alexander Kerensky, Head of the Provisional Government declares coldly,
“He is my enemy.’

. The chairman wrote:
            “Lenin and Trotsky will withdraw from the government and abstain from any public activity until they have cleared themselves of the charge of having worked for the enemy.”

Finally, General Semenov decided to part the excited crowd of Cossacks listening to the course of the peace truce and interfered. He addressed the Cossacks asking them not to trust the Soviets.  Semenov went on to tell them that if they give Kerensky to the Bolsheviks the latter ones wouldn’t fulfill their promises as they had power on their side.

At this point Dybenko answered back: “Was there not enough butchering for you? You need more blood?” “That’s right, - said numerous voices of Cossacks, - “it’s enough, we have fought already”.  General Semenov recalled his impression was that he was in the middle of a demonstration and Dybenko was winning in it..

The chairman denied the amendment and prepared the document so as the whole agreement could be read aloud to the Cossack delegation.  There were eleven points to this agreement and that if followed through…the Russian Civil War might have been prevented.  
            № 1      Kerensky was to be handed over to the Military Revolutionary Committee in order to be tried at the open people’s court.
№ 11   Lenin and Trotsky will withdraw from the government and abstain from any public activity until they have cleared themselves of the charge of having worked for the enemy

Kerensky recalled, “Time passed. We waited.  Downstairs they were bargaining.
Suddenly, at three o’clock in the afternoon, the same soldier who had brought us, in the
morning, the news of Dybenko’s arrival, came running in.  His face was as pale as
death.  The bargain had been concluded, he explained, “The Cossacks had bought their freedom and the right to return to their homes with their arms for the price of only one human head!  To carry out the bargain, i.e., my arrest and surrender to the Soviets, the enemies of yesterday, in quite friendly manner, had chosen a mixed commission.  The sailors and Cossacks were ready to rush into my rooms at any moment”. 

Semenov also came to Kerensky’s room and told him that the, “truce negotiations are lost and that a car is waiting for him and he has to flee”.  Suddenly, two men, a soldier and a sailor, whom the two had never met or known before make their way into the room, These men greeted Kerensky and told him, “There is no time to lose.  Put this on.”
Semenov recalled helping Kerensky into the sailor’s disguise.  Kerensky recalls: “This consists of a sailor’s cloak, a sailor’s hat and automobile goggles.  The cloak is too small and persists in falling back on my neck.  The masquerade attire appears ludicrous and dangerous.  But there is nothing to be done.  I have only a few minutes.’ Semenov felt worried; if Kerensky would be able to go by the sentry or if he would get recognized… But the latter one has a sleepy and indifferent face…”

Half an hour after Krasnov gave the order to assemble the escort for Kerensky, several of the Cossacks came to tell him that Kerensky was not in his quarters; that Kerensky had run away.
General Krasnov recalled, “I gave the alarm and ordered that he be searched for, supposing that he could not have left Gatchina, but he could not be found……

The radio was used to inform everybody about Kerensky’s escape and to call for his capturing:

Decree

To all Army, corps, divisional and regimental Committees, to all Soviets of Worker, Soldiers and Peasants Deputies, to all, all, all.

            Conforming to the agreement between the Cossacks, yunkers, soldiers, and workers, it has been decided to arraign Alexander Feodorvich Kerensky before a tribunal of the people.  We demand that Kerensky be arrested, and that he be ordered, in the name of the organizations hereinafter mentioned, to come immediately to Petrograd and present himself to the tribunal.

Signed,
The Cossacks of the First Division of Ussuri Calvary; the Committee of Yunkers of the Petrograd detachment of Franc-Tireurs; the delegate of the Fifth Army.
People’s Commissar Dybenko

From the report of the chief commander Antonov and head of the general staff Bonch-Bruevitch:
“Moscow. Soviet of the workers and soldier deputies of Lefortovo.
Final defeat of Kerensky.
Kerensky’s troops are defeated. The whole general staff of Kerensky is under the arrest including generals Krasnov and Woytinsky. Kerensky fled disguised as a sailor. Cossacks came over to the side of the revolutionary troops and are searching for Kerensky in order to hand him over top the Military - Revolutionary committee. Kerensky mutiny is considered to be liquidated. The revolution has won. Honor of arresting Kerensky belongs to the Minister of Navy Pavel Dybenko”


[1] A. Rabinowitch, The Bolsheviks Come to Power, London, 1979, p. 211


[i] Blinov, A.N., Tsentrobalt, Voprosy istorri, (USSR) 1969, (11): 28-42
[ii] A.P., The Daily Northwestern, Oshkosh, Wisconsin, April 25, 1917


















Pavel Dybenko's "Decree on the Democritization of the Navy of the Russian Republic" January 1918

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